The Good and Evil Serpent (149 page)

323
. Joines,
JBL
87 (1968) 250.

324
. When the serpent is shown with the eagle, however, battle and conflict are intended, as in the Nabatean sculpture found at Khirbet et-Tannur. It shows an eagle fighting a large serpent. See the photograph in
EAA
5 (1963) 325:439.

325
. See esp. the elegant ophidian iconography found on a vessel discovered at Dirmil near Bodrum in southwestern Anatolia. It is dated to 750–700 BCE and is far more advanced artistically than any object found in Palestine. See N. Asgari et al.,
The Anatolian Civilisations
, p. 16 B19.

326
. Joines,
JBL
87 (1968) 250.

327
. Macalister,
Gezer II
, p. 399, Fig. 488.

328
. Yadin et al., eds.,
Hazor II
, Plate 181.

329
. See Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, Plates 14:1,3,4,5; 16: 1–9; 17:1–3; 56A:1–4; 57A:1–4; 58A:1–3; 59A:3–4.

330
. Rowe wrote, “The serpent on the cylinders certainly seems to be a benevolent and not a malevolent one.”
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, p. 53.

331
. See, e.g., the sophisticated and refined ware with ophidian iconography found at Tell Brak (741, 742, 747), at Byblos (744), and the silver vessel from Palestrina (816). For photographs, see Bossert,
Altsyrien
, pp. 219 (741, 742), 2 2 0 (744), 221 (747), and 230 (816).

332
. For example, the cylindrical and rectangular incense stands found at Hazor (see Yadin et al.,
Hazor III-IV
, Plate 309:3–6), Lachish (see Y. Aharoni,
Investigations at Lachish: The Sanctuary and the Residency
[Tel Aviv, 1975; Plate 26:3–6 (photograph) and 43:3–6 drawing]), Beth Shemesh (E. Grant,
Beth Shemesh
, p. 103 [photograph]), Dan (Biran,
Biblical Dan
, Figs. 133–34), and Ai (J. A. Callaway and W. W. Ellinger,
The Early Bronze Age Sanctuary at Ai Tell No. 1
[London, 1972] Fig. 73, 74) are devoid of ophidian iconography. The rectangular cult stands found at Taanach, under the direction of Sellin and later by Lapp, are quite different; the former includes lions and human faces, the latter lions with humanlike figures (see the photographs conveniently presented in A. E. Glock’s “Taanach,”
NEAEHL
4.1428–33 (see the full-page color photography opposite p. 1476).

333
. Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, p. 52. Rowe also draws attention to a “Garden of Adonis” on a fresco in Pompeii. See Jeremias,
The Old Testament in the Light of the Ancient East
, vol. 1, p. 97 (Fig. 30).

334
. Song 2:11–12 and Jer 8:7.

335
. Rowe refers us to Evans (The
Palace of Minos
, vol. 1, p. 508) who suggested that the dove often symbolized inspiration that descends, and the serpent, the ascent of the spirit from the netherworld.

336
. Ishtar (= Astarte) symbolized both the burst of life into the world at spring and its decay in fall and winter. Tammuz represented vegetation. Tammuz also was thought, during winter, to be in the netherworld, and according to Ezek 8:14 women wept for him at the northern gate of the House of the Lord.

337
. The interpretation was advanced by Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, p. 53.

338
. This interpretation was first suggested by Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, p. 54; also see “Additional Note: Serpents,” p. 57.

339
. See Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-shan
, Plate 35:11, 12, 14, 15, 16; 64A:2; 68A:1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7. Also see the drawings in McGovern,
The Late Bronze Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shan
, vol. 2, Plates 76–77; and the photographs on Plate 37. Interpretations of these naked goddesses must be balanced by the recognition that women in Egypt often did not cover their breasts.

340
. Isa 17:10.

341
. See James, McGovern, and Bonn,
The Late Bronze Egyptian Garrison at Beth Shan
, vol. 1, p. 171, 241. They also suggest that this unique feature may “point to an amalgamation of Hathor, a principal Canaanite goddess, and a snake goddess” (vol. 1, p. 241). Hathor was an Egyptian goddess imported into the iconography of Canaan.

342
. See May,
Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult
, Plates 14 and 15; also see the discussion on p. 14.

343
. Albright, “The Goddess of Life and Wisdom,”
AJSL
36 (1919–1920) 227.

344
. Joines,
JBL
87 (1968) 250.

345
. Joines,
JBL
87 (1968) 249.

346
. Koldewey,
The Excavations of Babylon
, p. 45 (italics mine). I am grateful to Joines for these references.

347
. See S. Langdon,
Building Inscriptions of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. Part I: Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar
, pp. 79, 85, 105, 131.

348
. See the description and photographs in
Encyclopédie Photographique de l’Art
, vol. 1, pp. 266–67. Also see the limestone deed from the eleventh century BCE with the massive serpent at the top, ibid., p. 41.

349
. Joines also interprets the ophidian symbolism this way; see her article in
JBL
87 (1968) 247; also see Rowe,
The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-Shan
, Plate 42A:5 and 45A:4.

350
. Macalister,
Gezer III
, Plate 221:9.

351
. Pritchard
(Palestinian Figurines
, p. 7 number 11) and Joines (JBL 87 [1968]) interpret the artwork to denote serpents.

352
. Stern,
Excavations at Tel Mevorakh
, Part 2, p. 23.

353
. The serpent on this vase from Susa is a work of art. The head is triangular and has two circles with black dots inside for eyes. Next to the curved body is a row of black dots on each side. The serpent curves upward in a S-shape until it runs perpendicular to the rim. See the photograph in
EAA
7 (1966) 568.

354
. This well-known fact can easily be seen in Pritchard,
ANEP
413–17 (note the prominent uraeus).

355
. See the photograph of the eleventh-century BCE decorated vessel with serpents on the shoulder in
Encyclopédie Photographique de l’Art
, vol. 2, p. 260.

356
. See esp. the color photographs in Perrot and Chipiez,
History of Art in Phoenicia
, vol. 2, Plates 8, 9 (opposite p. 336 [unfortunately inadvertently unnumbered]).

357
. See R. Boucharlat, “Archaeology and Artifacts of the Arabian Peninsula,”
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East
2. 1335–53; esp p. 1347.

358
. Boucharlat, ibid., p. 1349.

359
. Among numerous publications, many already cited, see E. Hornung, “Ancient Egyptian Religious Iconography,” in
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East
3.171130; esp. Figs. 1, 4, 12, 15, and 20.

360
. A convenient chart with drawings is found in A. Green, “Ancient Mesopota-mian Religious Iconography,” in
Civilizations of the Ancient Near East
3.1837–55; esp see pp. 1838–40, 1848–49. Also see the seven-headed dragon Mushmakkhu. In this regard, see the seven-headed enemy mentioned in Ps 74:13–14, Ps 89:10, Isa 51:911, Rev. 12:3, 13:1, 17:3,
OdesSol
22:5, and
b. Qiddushin
29b.

361
. Stunning examples of gold and silver jewelry with serpents depicted, dating from the Greek and Roman periods, are housed in the leading museums. I have been impressed by the examples, often in areas for scholars alone to study, preserved in the Metropolitan, the British Museum, and the Hermitage, and express appreciation for the courtesy and support I always received from the knowledgeable staff. For superb photographs of the gold serpent jewelry in St. Petersburg, see [no editor],
Greek Gold
(London, 1955) pp. 114 and 210 (in Russian). A vast amount of gold was recovered from the tomb of Philip, the father of Alexander the Great. I studied it in Thessaloniki, but did not find serpent jewelry.

362
. R. S. Bianchi, “The Ancient Mediterranean: Good and Evil Snakes,”
Faces
(October 1995) 6–9.

4. The Perception That the Serpent Is a Positive Symbol in Greek and Roman literature

1
. A. Mazahéri,
Les Trésors de l’Iran
(Geneva, 1970) p. 119 (with photograph).

2
. Persian Zarathustra is in Greek “Zoroaster.” Some of the traditions in the
Avesta are very old
, in particular the
Yasht
and the myths of the gods, antedating Zarathustra who seems to have lived sometime between 900 and 500 BCE. See V. Sarkhosh Curtis,
Persian Myths
(London, 1993) pp. 9–10.

3
. See Sarkhosh Curtis,
Persian Myths
, p. 44.

4
. See, e.g., H. Henning von der Osten,
Die Welt der Perser
(Stuttgart, 1956) Plate 90.

5
. See the photograph in Carus,
The History of the Devil and the Idea of Evil
(New York, 1996) p. 225.

6
. See the illustration in Mazahéri,
Les Trésors de l’Iran
, p. 117.

7
. See E. M. Yamauchi,
Persia and the Bible
(Grand Rapids, 1996) p. 498.

8
. See the Greek vase in the British Museum numbered BM GR 1873.8–20.375 (Vase E140). For a published drawing, see L. Burn,
Greek Myths
(London, 1990) p. 9.

9
. See Burn, in
Greek Myths
, p. 59.

10
. J. Onians,
Classical Art and the Cultures of Greece and Rome
(New Haven and London, 1999) pp. 12–13.

11
. R. P. Martin, ed.,
Bulfinch’s Mythology
(New York, 1991) p. 48.

12
. I am grateful to Zanker for this insight; see his
The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus
, trans. A. Shapiro (Ann Arbor, 1990) p. 98.

13
. See J. F. Gardner,
Roman Myths
(London, 1993) p. 15.

14
. Zanker,
The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus
, p. v.

15
. I am indebted to Zanker for these citations; see his
The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus
, pp. 102–3.

16
. To make this work accessible to others besides specialists in Greek and Latin, I have added the dates to the names the first time they are given. Because it is often debated what dates are to be assigned to individuals, and because some of them are unknown, I have taken the dates (or approximate dates) from
The Oxford Classical Dictionary
, ed. N. G. L. Hammond and H. H. Scullard (Oxford, 1970 [2nd ed.]).

17
. For photographs and illustrations, see
LIMC
, VI.2, pp. 94–95.

18
. The Minoan culture influenced the Greek mind; see M. P. Nilsson,
The Minoan-Mycenaean Religion and Its Survival in Greek Religion
(New York, 1971 [2nd ed.]).

19
. See the photograph of one of the goddesses in the preceding pages and also in
EAA
5 (1963) 68 and of another Minoan goddess with serpents; it is from Iraklion; see p. 69.

20
. I imagine that few of the millions who have seen the wall paintings in the Pen-theus Room of the House of the Vettii at Pompeii will forget the depiction of Hercules as an infant struggling successfully with serpents. See the photograph in M. Grant and R. Kitzinger, eds.,
Civilization of the Ancient Mediterranean
(New York, 1988) vol. 3, p. 1782, Figure 8.

21
. See
LIMC
, IV.2, pp. 552–56.

22
. See the succinct summary in P. Preston,
Metzler Lexikon: Antiker Bildmotive
(Stuttgart, 1997) pp. 165–69.

23
. See the photograph of another gold serpent bracelet in
EAA
2 (1959) 160. Also see the elegant ophidian bracelet pictured in
EAA
5 (1963) 738.

24
. See the photograph of the bronze fountain in the “palestra di Ercolano” in
EAA
5 (1963) 512.

25
. See LSJM 1278 and 1279.

26
. L. Banti, “Serpenti, Pittore dei,”
EAA
7 (1966) 213–14.

27
. See the photograph in
EAA
7 (1966) 213.

28
. BM EA 1539.

29
. See the illustrations in
LIMC
, V.2, pp. 502–4.

30
. See the illustrations in
LIMC
, V.2, p. 505. Also, see the photograph of the large vase showing two roosters with two large serpents in
EAA
2 (1959) 265.

31
. See F. J. M. de Waele,
The Magic Staff or Rod in Graeco-Italian Antiquity
(Gent, 1927).

32
. See the illustrations in
LIMC
, V.2, p. 523.

33
. See the illustrations in
LIMC
, V.2, pp. 524–26.

34
. See the informed discussion by M. Malaise,
Les conditions de pénétration et de diffusion des cultes Égyptiens en Italie
(Leiden, 1972).

35
. See the photograph in
EAA
7 (1966) 853:961 (Typhon with anguipedes) and 962 (Typhon with a serpent’s body). Also see the illustrations in
LIMC
, VIII.2, pp. 112–13.

36
. See the illustrations in
LIMC
, VII.2, p. 511.

37
. See the photograph in J. Leipoldt and W. Grundmann, eds.,
Umwelt des Urchristentums
, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1971, 1972 [both 3rd ed.], 1967 [2nd ed.]) illustration no. 25, also see p. 16 for a good discussion.