The Good and Evil Serpent (144 page)

109
. See the color photograph in Bauchot, ed.,
Schlangen
, p. 107.

110
. Translation mine; for text, see Coborn,
The Atlas of Snakes
, p. 14 (with accent restored).

111
. I am grateful to J. A. Peters for this suggestion. See his “Serpentes,”
Micropae-dia
, vol. 16, p. 559.

112
. M. Eliade,
Patterns in Comparative Religion
(New York, 1958) p. 164.

113
. In
The Sacred and Profane: The Nature of Religion
, Eliade contended that the “dragon is the … symbol of the cosmic waters, of darkness, night, and death—in short, of the amorphous and virtual, of everything that has not yet acquired a ‘form’ “ (trans. W. R. Trask; New York, 1959) p. 48.

114
. See Mattison,
Snakes of the World
, p. 9. On the widespread legend of the combat myth between the serpent and the hero, see Eliade’s comments in
Cosmos and History: The Myth of the Eternal Return
(trans. W. R. Trask; New York, 1959) pp. 37–48.

115
. K. Sälzle,
Tier und Mensch
, p. 477.

116
. See, e.g., M. L. Sancassano,
Il Serpente e le sue immagini: Il motivo del serpente nella poesia greca dall’Iliade all’Orestea
(Biblioteca di Atenaeum 36; Como, 1997).

3. Realia and Iconography

1
. O. Keel,
Das Recht der Bilder gesehen zu werden
(OBO 122; Freiburg, Göttingen, 1992).

2
. See the reflections on this thought by J. V. Taylor and E. Robinson in the latter’s
The Language of Mystery
(London, Philadelphia, 1987, 1989). Robinson points out, correctly, that there “is indeed an almost complete separation between the world of religion and the world of the contemporary arts” (p. 1). This judgment does not apply to antiquity.

3
. A. Margulies,
The Empathic Imagination
(New York, London, 1989) p. 107.

4
. E. Panofsky,
Studies in Iconology
(Oxford, 1939; reprinted in 1972, Boulder, Colo.) p. 12.

5
. See H. Müller-Karpe,
Geschichte der Steinzeit
(Augsburg, 1998)
Tables 1
–20; note the serpent images in Tables 14.4, 15.1, 21.3 and 18.

6
. See M. Ruspoli,
Die Höhlenmalerei von Lascaux: Auf den Spuren des frühen Menschen
, trans. M. Ruck-Vinson (Augsburg, 1998). The French edition appeared in 1986.

7
. See S. Giedion,
The Eternal Present: The Beginnings of Art
(New York, 1962) pp. 308–9.

8
. B. Johnson,
Lady of the Beasts
(San Francisco, 1990) p. 122; see the drawing of the serpent on p. 123.

9
. P. Graziosi,
Le pitture prehistoriche e della grotta di Porto Badisco
(Florence, 1980); see the drawing on p. 55. The drawings “costruzioni con spiraliformi e serpentiformi,” p. 55.

10
. See ibid., Tabella XVII; see esp. no. 22; there appear to be two serpents in T. XVIII.

11
. See the following selection: W. R. Cooper, “Observations on the Serpent Myths of Ancient Egypt,”
Journal of the Transactions of the Victoria Institute
(London) 6 (1873) 321–91; E. Amélineau, “Du rôle des serpents dans les croyances religieuses de l’Egypte,”
Revue de l’histoire des religions
51 (1905) 335–60; also see vol. 52 (1905) 1–32; L. Keimer,
Histoires de serpents dans l’Egypte ancienne et moderne
(Cairo, 1947); R. T. R. Clark,
Myth and Symbol in Ancient Egypt
(London, 1959). L. Stork, “Schlange,” in
Lexikon der Ägyptologie
(ed. W. Helck and W. Westendorf. Wiesbaden, 1984) cols. 644–52. Also see Pritchard,
ANEP
, esp.
Figs. 12
–
17
, 265–69, 376–426.

12
. See the following: A. Deimel, “Die Schlange bei den Babyloniern,”
Orientalia
14 (1924) 49–57; E. D. Van Buren,
Symbols of Gods in Mesopotamian Art
(Rome, 1945). The Gilgamesh epic is central to our search for the meaning of ophidian symbolism, but written sources are not necessarily a reliable guide to iconography; nevertheless, see N. K. Sanders,
The Epic of Gilgamesh: An English Version with an Introduction
(Baltimore, 1960). See also Pritchard,
ANEP
, esp.
Figs. 18
–24, 25–30, 427–54, 502–41. We shall examine the literary evidence of the symbolic meaning of serpents in later chapters.

13
. See the numerous entries in
Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
and the following: E. Küster,
Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion
(Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten 13.2; Giessen, 1913); L. Bodson, “Les grecs et leurs serpents: Premiers résultats de l’étude taxonomique des sources anciennes,”
L’Antiquité Classique
50 (1981) 57–78; Bodson, “Observations sur la vocabulaire de la zoologie antique: Les noms de serpents en grec et en latin,”
Documents pour l’histoire du vocabulaire scientifique
8 (1986) 65–119.

14
. See the many entries in
Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae
and B. Andreae,
L’art de l’ancienne Rome
(Paris, 1973). For additional bibliographical works, see the Selected Serpent Bibliography.

15
. See, however, the excellent work by O. Keel, “Polyvalenz der Schlange,”
Das Recht der Bilder gesehen zu werden
(Freiburg, Göttingen, 1992) pp. 195–267.

16
. J. B. Pritchard,
Palestinian Figurines in Relation to Certain Goddesses Known Through Literature
(New Haven, 1943) p. 27.

17
. For a succinct description of many of the sites to be discussed and photographs, see Charlesworth,
The Millennium Guide for Pilgrims to the Holy Land
(North Richland Hills, Tex., 2000).

18
. Abbreviations: PN (Pottery Neolithic Age), EB (Early Bronze), MB (Middle Bronze), LB (Late Bronze).

19
. O. Bar-Yosef, “Munhata,”
OEANE
4.63–64.

20
. See Y. Garfinkel,
The Pottery Assemblages of the Sha’ar Hagolan and Rabah Stages of Munhata (Israel)
(Paris, 1992) p. 84 (a description of each), Figs. 139:12 and 13 (a drawing of each).

21
. For a photograph see ibid., Plate 13:5.

22
. See the drawing ibid., p. 81 (No. 22).

23
. See the photograph in
Highlights of Archaeology: The Israel Museum, Jerusalem
, p. 43. A drawing (p. 76) and photograph (p. 77) also appear in M. Avi-Yonah and Y. Yadin, eds.,
6000 Years of Art in the Holy Land
(Jerusalem, 1986). Also see J. P. O’Neill et al., eds.,
The Treasures of the Holy Land: Ancient Art from the Israel Museum
(New York, 1986) pp. 100–102 (with a color photograph on p. 101).

24
. Z. Yeivin, “A Silver Cup from Tomb 204a at ‘Ain-Samiya,”
Israel Exploration Journal
21 (1971) 78–81. Also see the drawing on p. 79, Figs. 1 and 2.

25
. Y. Yadin, “A Note on the Scenes Depicted on the ‘Ain-Samiya Cup,”
Israel Exploration Journal
21 (1971) 82–85; the quotation is on p. 83.

26
. Of special interest is the serpent-dragon on the Ishtar Gate; see E. Lutz-Ruoff, “Die Schlangendrachen am Istartor zu Babylon: Eine motivgeschichtliche Untersuchung” (PhD diss., Tübingen, 1986). Also see B. Renz,
Der Orientalische Schlangen-drache
(Augsburg, 1930). For a color photograph, see Sälzle,
Tier und Mensch
, p. 43.

27
. See the illustrations in J. Black and A. Green,
Gods, Demons and Symbols of Ancient Mesopotamia
(London, 1992) pp. 64–65, 96–97, 165, 166–68. The illustrations are by Tessa Rickards.

28
. E. D. Van Buren, “The Dragon in Ancient Mesopotamia,”
Orientalia
15 (1946) 1–46 (with thirty-two illustrations); the quotations are from p. 45.

29
. See K. M. Kenyon, “Jericho,”
NEAEHL
2.674–81; E. Netzer and G. Foerster,
NEAEHL
2.681–92, R. Hachlili,
NEAEHL
2.693–95.

30
. J. Garstang and J. B. E. Garstang,
The Story of Jericho
(London, Edinburgh, 1948) Plate 3 (a rather poor photograph); see the discussion on p. 102.

31
. Garstang and Garstang,
The Story of Jericho
p. 102 (see Plate 3).

32
. K. M. Kenyon,
Excavations at Jericho: The Tombs Excavated in 1952–4
(Jerusalem, 1960) vol. 1, figure 162; also see the photography on Plate 18:3.

33
. I am grateful to Ross Voss for this information, shared with me at the dig in Ashkelon.

34
. I wish to express appreciation to Larry Steger and Ross Voss for the permission and opportunity to examine and photograph this ophidian iconography.

35
. Note, e.g., an engraved mirror, from the third or second centuries BCE, that depicts the crowning of Hercules by Victory, behind whom are two serpents, with four curves, and three lines coming out of each mouth. See the photograph in
Encyclopedia Photographique de l’Art
, vol. 3, p. 112:B.

36
. The lion in the third-century CE mosaic at Hammat Tiberias also has three horizontal lines coming out of the area of his nostrils and mouth; two others seem to be radiating from its chin.

37
. See the photograph in E. Sellin, “Die Ausgrabung von Sichem,”
Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins
50 (1927) 205–11; Plate 20:e. Also see Sellin’s comments on p. 207, and G. E. Wright,
Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City
(New York, 1965) p. 82.

38
. F. M. Th. Böhl, “Die Sichem-Plakette: Protoalphabetische Schriftzeichen der Mittelbronzezeit vom
tell balata,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins
61 (1938) 1–25.

39
. W. F. Albright, “The Bronze Age,”
Annual of the ASOR
17 (1936–1937) 43; and J. B. Pritchard,
Palestinian Figurines in Relation to Certain Goddesses Known Through Literature
, p. 27, no. 240. Pritchard also pointed to the similarity between the Shechem plaque and the Tell Beit Mirsim limestone relief.

40
. W. F. Albright,
Annual of the ASOR
17 (1936–1937) 43.

41
. G. E. Wright, “The Second Campaign at Tell Balätah (Shechem),”
BASOR
(1957) 11–28. The article by H. Thiersch (“Ein altmediterraner Tempeltyp,”
ZAW
50 [1932] 73–86, esp. 77) was severely criticized by E. Sellin (“Der gegenwärtige Stand der Ausgrabung von Sichem und ihre Zukunft,”
ZAW
[50] 303–8).

42
. See D. P. Cole,
Shechem I: The Middle Bronze IIB Pottery
, ed. J. F. Ross and E. F. Campbell (ASOR Excavation Reports; Winona Lake, Ind., 1984) Plate 29:h and i.

43
. G. Loud,
Megiddo II: Seasons of 1935–39; Text
(Chicago, 1948) p. 5 (“Chronological Table”). Also, the more recent and precise dating is in line with Loud’s stratigraphy; see the discussion in Y. Aharoni and Y. Shiloh, “Megiddo,”
NEAEHL
3.1003–23, and esp. “The Megiddo Stratification” on p. 1023. Stratum I now also runs from 600 to 350 BCE, but it is clarified that we have entered the Persian Period.

44
. G. Loud,
Megiddo II: Seasons of 1935–39; Plates
(Chicago, 1948) Plate 240:1.

45
. Loud,
Megiddo II
, Plates 22:11 and 26.

46
. So also, Keel,
Das Recht der Bilder
, p. 198.

47
. For a photograph of the tomb and the vessel in situ, see P. L. O. Guy,
Megiddo Tombs
(Chicago, 1938) Fig. 107. Note that “looting had evidently taken place in antiquity” (p. 88), and that the “bones in C had been badly disturbed” (p. 89).

48
. H. G. May,
Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult
(Chicago, 1935) Plate 22: P4327.

49
. May,
Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult
, Plate 22: P3060, 3083, 3061.

50
. May opined that the “unplaced fragment (P1. XIV 4) has near the pigeonhole a hatched mold or relief which may even be a snake motive.” May,
Material Remains of the Megiddo Cult
, p. 14. This is possible, but far from certain. The fragment is small. The hole is rather rectangular. No remains of a serpent are visible, but an appliqued piece of clay, perhaps a serpent, may have once lain near the hole. Also see May’s comments on Rowe’s discoveries at Beth Shan, and his interpretations and method of comparing Palestinian ophidian objects with much earlier ones in Egypt. May too closely follows Rowe (pp. 15, 21). Refreshing, however, are May’s comments about the indigenous quality of ophidian artifacts found in ancient Palestine (p. 31).

51
. R. S. Lamon, G. M. Shipton,
Megiddo I: Seasons of 1925–34; Strata I-IV
(Chicago, 1939) Plate 87:7, 8, 9.

52
. The picture in Lamon, Shipton,
Megiddo I
, Plate 87, is too vague. It is not clear if the object is a serpent with eyes indicated.

53
. These dates have been challenged. See Aharoni and Shiloh, “Megiddo.” Note that IVA continues until the Assyrian conquest in 732 BCE (also see “The Megiddo Stratification” on p. 1023).

54
. Lamon, Shipton,
Megiddo I
, Plates 69:24 (3 uraei with a fish), 69:47 (uraeus facing a Hyksos-figured man), 69:48 (uraeus), 69:52 (winged uraeus), 69:54 (four uraei, perhaps), 69:55 (a uraeus?), 69:59 (a lion before a uraeus), 69:69 (sphinx before a uraeus).

55
. See, e.g., R. Giveon and T. Kertesz,
Egyptian Scarabs and Seals from Acco
(Freiburg, 1986).