tion to weaken China's international position and ultimately defeat Mao's revolutionary project. But to Mao the vision of a growing external threat went well with his ideas of revolutionizing the party and Chinese society it proved the correctness of his second revolution, and it enabled him and his associates to label those who resisted them foreign agents.
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Throughout the Cultural Revolution era there was opposition within the CCP to accepting the thatched-roof protection of the "solidarity of the world's peoples" and "revolutionary consciousness of the masses" as China's defense against foreign attack. As Mao's own belief in a speedy domestic revolutionary victory again foundered at the end of the 1960s, he turned for advice to the "old marshals" of the People's Liberation Army men such as Chen Yi and Nie Rongzhen who had been an important part of this opposition. In late 1969 he welcomed the marshals' suggestion that China should seek to reduce tension with the United States since the Soviet Union was the more dangerous enemy. Mao's own view of the Soviet Union had come full circle. 107
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The chairman's American romance at the end of his life often has been taken as the ultimate example of realist politics in spite of a lifelong dedication to fighting Western imperialism, Mao turned to the United States when faced with a military crisis in his relations with a socialist neighbor. But to Mao, as indeed to most revolutionary leaders of the late twentieth century, ideology never contradicted the making of international alliances in defense of the revolution. His main aim was the survival and ultimate victory of communism in China, against which n Mao's view Soviet "social-imperialism," conducted by Brezhnev's "fascist dictatorship," had become the main threat. 108 In 1969, faced with what he saw as a new and particularly dangerous form of imperialism, he attempted to get support from the United States, just as he had done twenty-five years earlier when the Japanese threatened his movement with annihilation.
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Although connected by common texts, language, symbols, and interpretations through the Chinese adaptation of Soviet Marxism, the CCP-CPSU relationship had shown visible evidence of strains from the very beginning. At times during the forty years of collaboration, the two parties had disagreed on organizational structure, military strategies, and class analysis; they had suspected each other of betrayal; and they had misunderstood each other's aims because of personal rivalries and cultural differences. Both sides had, at times, been led astray in their policymaking by their belief in a shared ideology.
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The fact that ideology was crucial to both sides, while there was never a common ideology, is essential to understanding the rise and fall of the Sino-Soviet alliance. Without Marxism, there would be no alliance, no Chinese adoption of Soviet models in politics, economy, science, education, or the arts. Likewise,
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