Citizen Emperor (193 page)

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Authors: Philip Dwyer

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42
.
Lettres personnelles des souverains à l’empereur Napoléon Ier
(Paris, 1939), p. 387.
43
.
Fain,
Manuscrit de mil huit cent treize
, i. p. 296.
44
.
Corr.
xxv. n. 19664 (5 March 1813).
45
.
Schroeder,
Transformation of European Politics
, pp. 466–7.
46
.
Kraehe,
Metternich’s German Policy
, i. pp. 154–6; Stamm-Kuhlmann,
König in Preußens großer Zeit
, pp. 362–4.
47
.
Stamm-Kuhlmann,
König in Preußens großer Zeit
, pp. 370–3; Hagemann,
‘Mannlicher Muth’
, pp. 406–15; Peter Brandt, ‘Einstellungen, Motive und Ziele von Kriegsfreiwilligen 1813/14: das Freikorps Lützow’, in Jost Dülffer (ed.),
Kriegsbereitschaft und Friedensordnung in Deutschland 1800–1814
(Münster and Hamburg, 1994), pp. 211–14.
48
.
See Ernst Friedrich Christian Müsebeck,
Freiwillige Gaben und Opfer des preussischen Volkes in den Jahren 1813–1815
(Leipzig, 1913), p. 132. The Treaty of Kalisch with Russia (28 February) was followed by a formal declaration of war (17 March 1813).
49
.
Indeed, orders were issued for Yorck’s arrest and court martial, although this did not prevent him from inciting garrisons in East Prussia to revolt, arguing that he was acting with the king’s secret approval (Peter Paret,
Yorck and the Era of the Prussian Reform, 1807–1815
(Princeton, 1966), pp. 191–6). In fact, it appears that, once again, the Prussian political elite were saying one thing to the French and doing something entirely different behind their backs (Paul R. Sweet,
Wilhelm von Humboldt: A Biography
, 2 vols
(Columbus, Ohio, 1978–80), ii. p. 120). The Austrian commander, Schwarzenberg, similarly signed a secret convention with the Russians at Zeycs at the end of January 1813.
50
.
Stamm-Kuhlmann,
König in Preußens großer Zeit
, pp. 365–9, 370–4; Scott,
Birth of a Great Power System
, p. 350; Clark,
Iron Kingdom
, pp. 362–3.
51
.
Aaslestad,
Place and Politics
, pp. 292–3; Katherine Aaslestad, ‘Republican Traditions: Patriotism, Gender, and War in Hamburg, 1770–1815’,
European History Quarterly
, 37 (2007), 592.
52
.
Hagemann,
‘Mannlicher Muth’
, pp. 457–61.
53
.
Dufraisse, ‘A propos des guerres de délivrance allemandes’, 16; Dennis Showalter, ‘Prussia’s Army: Continuity and Change, 1715–1830’, in Dwyer (ed.),
The Rise of Prussia
, pp. 231–6; Clark,
Iron Kingdom
, p. 366.
54
.
Ibbeken,
Preussen 1807–1813
, pp. 393–439.
55
.
Ibbeken,
Preussen 1807–1813
, pp. 448–9.
56
.
Cited in Daniel Moran, ‘Arms and the Concert: The Nation in Arms and the Dilemmas of German Liberalism’, in Daniel Moran and Arthur Waldron (eds),
The People in Arms: Military Myth and National Mobilization since the French Revolution
(Cambridge, 2003), p. 59.
57
.
On the emergence of ‘patriotism’ see Hagemann,
‘Mannlicher Muth’
, pp. 222–42.
58
.
Regional influence was the case for Austria. See Hagemann, ‘Be Proud and Firm’, 51. On the role of religion in the wars against Napoleon see Nigel Aston,
Christianity and Revolutionary Europe, 1750–1830
(Cambridge, 2002), pp. 291–4.
59
.
Aaslestad,
Place and Politics
, pp. 288–91; Karen Hagemann, ‘“Deutsche Heldinnen”: Patriotisch-nationales Frauenhandeln in der Zeit der antinapoleonischen Kriege’, in Ute Planert (ed.),
Nation, Politik und Geschlecht: Frauenbewegungen und Nationalismus in der Moderne
(Frankfurt, 2000), pp. 86–112; Karen Hagemann, ‘A Valorous
Volk
Family: The Nation, the Military, and the Gender Order in Prussia in the Time of the Anti-Napoleonic Wars, 1806–15’, in Ida Blom, Karen Hagemann and Catherine Hall (eds),
Gendered Nations: Nationalisms and Gender Order in the Long Nineteenth Century
(Oxford, 2000), pp. 179–205; Karen Hagemann, ‘Female Patriots: Women, War and the Nation in the Period of the Prussian–German Anti-Napoleonic Wars’,
Gender & History
, 16 (2004), 396–424; Dirk Alexander Reder,
Frauenbewegung und Nation: Patriotische Frauenvereine in Deutschland im frühen 19. Jahrhundert (1813–1830)
(Cologne, 1998), pp. 369–84, 423–31; Jean H. Quataert,
Staging Philanthropy: Patriotic Women and the National Imagination in Dynastic Germany, 1813–1916
(Ann Arbor, 2001), pp. 29–39.
60
.
Aaslestad, ‘Republican Traditions’, 593.
61
.
The Austrian women’s associations have not yet been studied to the same extent as those of Prussia have been by Karen Hagemann or those of Germany by Reder and Quataert.
62
.
Adam Zamoyski,
Rites of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna
(London, 2007), p. 94.
63
.
Wertheimer, ‘Wien und das Kriegsjahr 1813’, 370, 393–5.
64
.
Karen Hagemann, ‘Of “Manly Valor” and “German Honor”: Nation, War and Masculinity in the Age of the Prussian Uprising against Napoleon’,
Central European History
, 30:2 (1997), 187–220; Hagemann,
‘Mannlicher Muth’
, pp. 271–349.
65
.
Historians have managed to document twenty-two cross-dressing women in the Prussian army although there were probably more. On women volunteers see Karen Hagemann,
‘Mannlicher Muth’
, pp. 383–93; Karen Hagemann, ‘“Heroic Virgins” and “Bellicose Amazons”: Armed Women, the Gender Order and the German Public during and after the Anti-Napoleonic Wars’,
European History Quarterly
, 37 (2007), 507–27.
66
.
Semmel,
Napoleon and the British
, pp. 83–90; Beßlich,
Der deutsche Napoleon-Mythos
, pp. 92–7.
67
.
Hasko Zimmer,
Auf dem Altar des Vaterlands: Religion und Patriotismus in der deutschen Kriegslyrik des 19. Jahrhunderts
(Frankfurt, 1971), pp. 11–70; Erich Pelzer, ‘Die Widergeburt Deutschlands 1813 und die Dämonisierung Napoleon’, in Gerd Krumeich und Hartmut Lehmann (eds),
‘Gott mit uns’: Nation, Religion und Gewalt im 19. und frühen 20. Jahrhundert
(Göttingen, 2000), pp. 135–56; Planert,
Der Mythos vom Befreiungskrieg
, pp. 336–82.
68
.
Michael Simpson,
Closet Performances: Political
Exhibition and Prohibition in the Dramas of Byron and Shelley
(Stanford, Calif., 1998), p. 251; and Leggiere,
The Fall of Napoleon
, p. 33.
69
.
See Paul Vulliaud,
La fin du monde
(Paris, 1952), pp. 169–76, for a bibliographical sketch. A summary of Napoleon as Antichrist can be found in Bernard McGinn,
Antichrist: Two Thousand Years of the Human Fascination with Evil
(New York, 1996), pp. 242–6. On the English discourse see William Hosking Oliver,
Prophets and Millenialists: The Uses of Biblical Prophecy in England from the 1790s to the 1840s
(Auckland, 1978), pp. 50–9; in Russia, Michael A. Pesenson, ‘Napoleon Bonaparte and Apocalyptic Discourse in Early Nineteenth-Century Russia’,
Russian Review
, 65 (2006), 373–92; in Germany, Erich Mertens, ‘Jung-Stilling und der Kreis um Frau Krudener’, in Peter Wörster (ed.),
Zwischen Straßburg und Petersburg
(Siegen, 1992), pp. 41–89; in Guatemala, Robert M. Laughlin,
Beware the Great Horned Serpent!: Chiapas under the Threat of Napoleon
(Albany, NY, 2003).
70
.
Paul Trensky, ‘The Year 1812 in Russian Poetry’,
Slavic and East European Journal
, 10 (1966), 283–302. Napoleon was not the first head of state to be dubbed the Antichrist. That distinction goes to Frederick II (Hohenstaufen) who was deposed by Pope Gregory IX, and later excommunicated by Innocent IV, in the 1240s.
71
.
Semmel,
Napoleon and the British
, p. 76.

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