Citizen Emperor (191 page)

 
128
. Scharf, ‘Einführung’, pp. 19–20, who notes that the manner in which the catastrophe was communicated and received throughout Europe has yet to be explored in any great detail.

 
129
. See, for example, Jean-Baptiste-Benoît Barjaud,
La conquête de Moscou
(Paris, 1812); H. Dassier,
Les ruines de Moscou
(Paris, 1812); Auguste Moufle (François-Toussaint-Auguste),
Ode sur l’embrasement de Moscou
(Paris, 1812); and Quaynat,
Ode à Sa Majesté l’Empereur et Roi sur la prise de Moscou
(Paris, 1812).

 
130
. Parkinson,
The Fox of the North
, p. 229.

 
131
. Ute Planert, ‘Conscription, Economic Exploitation and Religion in Napoleonic Germany’, in Dwyer and Forrest (eds),
Napoleon and his Empire
, p. 141.

 
132
. Clark,
Iron Kingdom
, p. 357; Münchow-Pohl,
Zwischen Reform and Krieg
, p. 377.

 
133
. Fantin des Odoards,
Journal
, p. 349.

 
134
. Girod de l’Ain,
Dix ans de souvenirs militaires
, pp. 288–93.

 
135
. Münchow-Pohl,
Zwischen Reform and Krieg
, pp. 373–4.

 
136
. Jean-Nicolas-Auguste Noël,
With Napoleon’s Guns: The Military Memoirs of an Officer of the First Empire
, trans. Rosemary Brindle (London, 2005), pp. 150, 151, 154.

 
137
. Münchow-Pohl,
Zwischen Reform and Krieg
, p. 378.

 
138
. Adams,
Napoleon and Russia
, p. 417; Leggiere,
The Fall of Napoleon
, p. 7, gives a total of 93,000 men and 250 cannon, without citing his source.

 
139
. Sokolov, ‘La campagne de Russie’, 42–51.

 
140
. Franco Della Peruta, ‘War and Society in Napoleonic Italy: The Armies of the Kingdom of Italy at Home and Abroad’, in John Davis and Paul Ginsborg (eds),
Society and Politics in the Age of the Risorgimento: Essays in Honour of Denis Mack Smith
(Cambridge, 1991), pp. 26–48, here p. 48.

 
141
. Martin, ‘The Russian Empire and the Napoleonic Wars’, p. 260.

 
142
. Montesquiou-Fezensac,
Souvenirs militaires
, p. 383.

 
143
. L. Bailly-Maitre, ‘La retraite de Russie vue par un artilleur lorrain’,
Revue des études napoléoniennes
, 41 (1935), 28–9.

 
144
. Roger Dufraisse, ‘L’écroulement de la domination française en Allemagne (1813)’, in Jean Tulard (ed.),
L’Europe au temps de Napoléon
(Paris, 1989), p. 477.

 
145
. Ute Planert,
Der Mythos vom Befreiungskrieg: Frankreichs Kriege und der deutsche Süden: Alltag, Wahrnehmung, Deutung 1792–1841
(Paderborn, 2007), pp. 414–15.

 
146
. Robert Bielecki, ‘L’effort militaire polonais (1806–1815)’,
Revue de l’Institut Napoléon
, 132 (1976), 160.

 
147
. According to Lieven,
Russia against Napoleon
, p. 306, the figure was 175,000. The loss was seriously to hamper Napoleon’s ability to defend his Empire in the coming months. Horses were naturally lost as a result of the weather, but one has to say that the enormous losses were also in part due to lack of planning, lack of supplies and negligence. To give but one example, Caulaincourt (
Memoirs
, i. p. 336), in charge of Napoleon’s horse, lost only eighty horses out of the 715 belonging to the Imperial Household with which he began the campaign. He showed what could be done with a great deal of care and some foresight.

 
148
. Martin, ‘Russia and the Legacy of 1812’, ii. pp. 147–8.

 
149
. Gotteri,
Napoléon
, p. 154. On the rebuilding of Moscow see Miliza Korshunova, ‘William Hastie in Russia’,
Architectural History
, 17 (1974), 14–21, 53–6; Albert J. Schmidt, ‘William Hastie, Scottish Planner of Russian Cities’,
Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society
, 114:3 (1970), 226–4; Albert J. Schmidt, ‘The Restoration of Moscow after 1812’,
Slavic Review
, 40:1 (1981), 37–48; Tatiana Ruchinskaya, ‘The Scottish Architectural Traditions in the Plan for the Reconstruction of Moscow after the Fire of 1812: A Rare Account of the Influence of Scottish Architect William Hastie on Town Planning in Moscow’,
Building Research & Information
, 22:4 (1994), 228–33.

 
150
. Monika Senkowska-Gluck, ‘La campagne de 1812’, in Tulard (ed.),
L’Europe au temps de Napoléon
, pp. 469–70.

 
151
. Grunwald,
Société
et civilisation russes
, p. 44; Lieven,
Russia against Napoleon
, p. 212.

 
152
. Tulard gives the figure of 380,000. Russian losses were not quite as high. Anywhere between 250,000 and 300,000 men were killed or wounded, or deserted, not counting the numbers of Russian civilians, whose numbers we simply do not know. Kutuzov lost around 50,000 men in casualties in the final weeks of the campaign.

 
153
. Here too figures for the number of prisoners taken by the Russians vary but are as high as 150,000 to 190,000, all nationalities confounded. There are numerous accounts of life in Russia as a prisoner of war. See, for example, Vieillot,
Souvenirs
; Everts, ‘Campagne et captivité de Russie’, pp. 153–72; Jacques Garnier, ‘Récits du lieutenant Bressolles sur la campagne de 1813’,
Revue de l’Institut Napoléon
, 135 (1979), 57–65; Ducor,
Aventures d’un marin de la Garde impériale
; Vaucorbeil, ‘Mémoires inédits’, 43–57.

 
154
. Adams,
Napoleon and Russia
, p. 414.

 
155
. Vladilen Sirotkine, ‘La campagne de Russie’,
Revue de l’Institut Napoléon
, 156 (1991), 64.

 
156
. Bellot de Kergorre,
Journal
, p. 85.

 
157
. 
Libération
, 11 December 2002, pp. 34–5; Romain Pigeaud, ‘Le charnier des grognards’,
Archeologia
, 401 (June 2003), 41–7. Atolija Krulis is one such descendant. His grandmother was a de Courtenay, daughter of Jacques, himself son of Jean-François, a soldier in Napoleon’s army, probably an officer. Forty kilometres from Vilnius in the village of Tabariskes, Bogdan Komoliubio, a teacher and peasant, is also convinced that his great-great-grandfather was a soldier in Napoleon’s army, although he had an Italian-sounding name, and was from the region of Lyons. In fact, the villagers believe that three men found refuge in the village, completely exhausted, and that, once recuperated, these French-Italians went back home only to return years later with French wives. There is a wood a few kilometres outside the village called ‘French forest’ in which soldiers of the Grande Armée are said to be buried.

 
158
. Esdaile,
Napoleon’s Wars
, p. 487, has called it ‘one of the key moments in the international history of the Napoleonic Wars’.

 
159
. Martin,
Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries
, p. 124; Volker Sellin,
Die geraubte Revolution: der Sturz Napoleons und die Restauration in Europa
(Göttingen, 2001), pp. 42–51.

 
160
. Martin,
Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries
, pp. 139–40.

 
161
. Rothenberg,
The Art of Warfare
, p. 204. See Kutuzov’s remarks to the British liaison officer General Wilson in Wilson,
Narrative of Events
, p. 234.

 
162
. Lieven,
Russia against Napoleon
, pp. 288–9. The idea received support from both Kutuzov and Karl von Toll. Toll submitted a memorandum to Kutuzov espousing this view: Bernhardi,
Denkwürdigkeiten
, iii. pp. 469–70.

 
163
. Cited in Adams,
Napoleon and Russia
, p. 415.

 
164
. See Raeff,
Michael Speransky
, p. 188.

 
165
. There were any number of influential men and women in the Tsar’s entourage who saw this as an opportunity to expand Russia’s borders to the Vistula and who no doubt brought some influence to bear. Martin,
Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries
, pp. 141–2. Kraehe,
Metternich’s German Policy
, i. p. 149, argues that Alexander’s ‘political preparations from the very outset had anticipated a campaign beyond the Russian frontier’. Lieven,
Russia against Napoleon
, p. 287.