The Grand Alliance (94 page)

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I am hopeful that as the war continues the great
masses of the peoples of the British Empire, the Soviet
Union, the United States, and China, which alone
comprise two-thirds of the entire human race, may be
found marching together against their persecutors; and
I am sure the road they travel will lead to victory.

With heartfelt wishes for the success of the Russian
armies and the ruin of the Nazi tyrants,
Believe me,

Yours sincerely,

WINSTON S. CHURCHILL

On September 28 our Mission arrived in Moscow. Their reception was bleak and discussions not at all friendly. It might almost have been thought that the plight in which the Soviets now found themselves was our fault. The Soviet generals and officials gave no information of any kind to their British and American colleagues. They did not even inform them of the basis on which Russian needs of our precious war materials had been estimated. The Mission was given no formal entertainment until almost the last night, when they were invited to dinner at the Kremlin. It must not be thought that such an occasion among men preoccupied with the gravest affairs may not be helpful to the progress of business. On the contrary, many of the private interchanges which occur bring about that atmosphere where agreements can be reached. But there was little of this mood now, and it might almost have been we who had come to ask for favours.

One incident preserved by General Ismay in an apocryphal and somewhat lively form may be allowed to lighten the

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narrative. His orderly, a Royal Marine, was shown the sights of Moscow by one of the Intourist guides. “This,” said the Russian, “is the Eden Hotel, formerly Ribbentrop Hotel.

Here is Churchill Street, formerly Hitler Street. Here is the Beaverbrook railway station, formerly Goering railway station. Will you have a cigarette, comrade?” The Marine replied, “Thank you, comrade, formerly bastard!” This tale, though jocular, illustrates none the less the strange atmosphere of these meetings.

In contrast with all this my American contacts were increasingly cordial.

Former

Naval

22 Sept. 41

Person to President

Roosevelt

Your cheering cable [to Mr. Harriman] about tanks
arrived when we were feeling very blue about all we
have to give up to Russia. The prospect of nearly
doubling the previous figures encouraged everyone.

The Missions have started in great good-will and
friendship.

Kindest regards.

Prime

Minister

to

25 Sept. 41

Mr. Harry Hopkins

Now that our Missions are on their way to Moscow, it
may be profitable to survey the field covered by the
discussions in London.

2. The offers which we both are making to Russia
are necessary and worth while. There is no disguising
the fact however that they make grievous inroads into
what is required by you for expanding your forces and
by us for intensifying our war effort. You know where
the shoe will pinch most in the next nine months.

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We must both bend our efforts to making good the
gaps unavoidably created. We here are unlikely to be
able to expand our programmes much above what is
already planned. I earnestly hope that you will be able
to raise the general level of yours by an immediate
short-term effort.

3. You will have heard that good progress was made
in the discussions on over-all requirements for victory.

A joint memorandum giving estimated eventual requirements, as far as we can foresee them, was drawn up,
and is being taken back to Washington by General
Embick. Further work on this will have to be done in
Washington, and an estimate of what is required to
maintain Russian resistance will have to be added.

Would it be possible to try to reach in the second half of
1942 the output now planned for the first half of 1943?

If such an attempt were successful it would not only lay
the foundations for the victory programme, but would
help to meet more speedily than otherwise the short-term requirements of us both. It would also enable
greater help to be given to the Russians in the second
half of 1942.

On October 2 I heard from the President about American plans for future tank and aircraft production. From July, 1942, to January, 1943, the United States would allocate twelve hundred tanks a month to England and Russia together, and during the next six months two thousand a month. The American Mission in Moscow had been told to promise the Russians four hundred tanks a month as from July 1, and an increased number after that date after discussion with our representatives.

The United States would be able to fulfil this increased commitment as her tank production was being doubled, to reach a figure of over twenty-five hundred tanks a month.

The President also informed me that he had undertaken to supply Russia with thirty-six hundred front-line aircraft

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between July 1, 1942, and July 1, 1943, over and above those already agreed upon.

In the end a friendly agreement was reached in Moscow. A protocol was signed setting out the supplies which Great Britain and the United States could make available to Russia within the period October, 1941, to June, 1942. This involved much derangement of our military plans, already hampered by the tormenting shortage of munitions. All fell upon us, because we not only gave our own production, but had to forgo most important munitions which the Americans would otherwise have sent to us. Neither the Americans nor ourselves made any promise about the transportation of these supplies across the difficult and perilous ocean and Arctic routes. In view of the insulting reproaches which Stalin uttered when we suggested that the convoys should not sail till the ice had receded, it should be noted that all we guaranteed was that the supplies would “be made available at British and United States centres of production.” The preamble of the protocol ended with the words, “Great Britain and the United States will give aid to the transportation of these materials to the Soviet Union, and will help with the delivery.”

On October 4 Lord Beaverbrook telegraphed to me:
Lord Beaverbrook (at

4 Oct. 41

Moscow)

to

Prime

Minister

The effect of this agreement has been an immense
strengthening of the morale of Moscow. The maintenance of this morale will depend on delivery….

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I do not regard the military situation here as safe for
the winter months. I do think that morale might make it
safe.

We gave our treasures, and they were accepted by those who were fighting for their lives.

Prime Minister to Lord

3 Oct. 41

Beaverbrook

(at

Moscow)

Heartiest congratulations to you and all. The unity
and success proclaimed is of immense value. No one
could have done it but you. Now come home and make
the (one group undecipherable) stuff. Impossible to
restrain the feeling of optimism here.

Prime Minister to Lord

6 Oct. 41

Beaverbrook (at sea)

We have not lost an hour in making good your
undertakings. I have sent the following telegram to
Stalin:

Prime

Minister

to

6 Oct. 41

Premier Stalin

I am glad to learn from Lord Beaverbrook of the
success of the Tripartite Conference at Moscow. Bis
dat qui cito dat. We intend to run a continuous cycle of
convoys, leaving every ten days. Following are on the
way and arrive Archangel October 12: 20 heavy tanks;
193 fighters (pre-October quota).

Following will sail October 12, arriving October 29:
140 heavy tanks; 100 Hurricanes; 200 Bren carriers;
200 anti-tank rifles and ammunition; 50 2-pounder guns
and ammunition.

Following will sail October 22: 200 fighters; 120

heavy tanks.

Above shows the total of the October quota of
aircraft, and 280 tanks will arrive Russia by November
6. The October quota of Bren carriers, anti-tank rifles,
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and 2-pounder anti-tank guns will all arrive in October.

Twenty tanks have been shipped to go via Persia, and
fifteen are about to be shipped from Canada via Vladivostok. The total tanks shipped will therefore be 315,
which is 19 short of our full quota. This number will be
made up in November. The above programme does not
take into account supplies from United States.

2. In arranging this regular cycle of convoys we are
counting on Archangel to handle the main bulk of
deliveries. I presume this part of the job is in hand.

Good wishes.

Although General Ismay was fully empowered and qualified to discuss and explain the military situation in all its variants to the Soviet leaders, Beaverbrook and Harriman decided not to complicate their task by issues on which there could be no agreement. This aspect was not therefore dealt with in Moscow. Informally the Russians continued to demand the immediate establishment of the Second Front, and seemed quite impervious to any arguments showing its impossibility. Their agony is their excuse. Our Ambassador had to bear the brunt.

It was already late autumn. On October 2 the Central Army Group of von Bock renewed its advance on Moscow, with its two armies moving direct on the capital from the southwest and a Panzer group swinging wide on either flank. Orel on October 8 and a week later Kalinin on the Moscow-Leningrad road were taken. With his flanks thus endangered and under strong pressure from the central German advance, Marshal Timoshenko withdrew his forces to a line forty miles west of Moscow, where he again stood to fight. The Russian position at this moment was grave in the extreme. The Soviet Government, the Diplomatic Corps, and all industry that could be removed were evacuated from the city over five hundred miles farther east to Kuibyshev. On October 19 Stalin proclaimed a state of