The Grand Alliance (89 page)

It was only after this that I received the telegram giving the results of a further meeting of the Cabinet on the morning of August 12. This telegram made clear the reasons for the misgivings which the Cabinet felt on the subject of Point 4.

But I felt that the final text with the words, “with due respect for their existing obligations,” governing as they did the whole paragraph, sufficiently safeguarded our position.

The profound and far-reaching importance of this Joint Declaration was apparent. The fact alone of the United States, still technically neutral, joining with a belligerent Power in making such a declaration was astonishing. The inclusion in it of a reference to “the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny” (this was based on a phrase appearing in my original draft) amounted to a challenge which in ordinary times would have implied warlike action. Finally, not the least striking feature was the realism of the last paragraph, where there was a plain and bold intimation that after the

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war the United States would join with us in policing the world until the establishment of a better order.

The President and myself also drew up a joint message to Stalin:

12 Aug.41

We have taken the opportunity afforded by the
consideration of the report of Mr. Harry Hopkins on his
return from Moscow to consult together as to how best
our two countries can help your country in the splendid
defence that you are making against the Nazi attack.

We are at the moment co-operating to provide you with
the very maximum of supplies that you most urgently
need. Already many shiploads have left our shores, and
more will leave in the immediate future.

We must now turn our minds to the consideration of
a more long-term policy, since there is still a long and
hard path to be traversed before there can be won that
complete victory without which our efforts and sacrifices
would be wasted.

The war goes on upon many fronts, and before it is
over there may be yet further fighting fronts that will be
developed. Our resources, though immense, are
limited, and it must become a question as to where and
when those resources can best be used to further to
the greatest extent our common effort. This applies
equally to manufactured war supplies and to raw
materials.

The needs and demands of your and our armed
services can only be determined in the light of the full
knowledge of the many factors which must be taken
into consideration in the decisions that we make. In
order that all of us may be in a position to arrive at
speedy decisions as to the apportionment of our joint
resources, we suggest that we prepare for a meeting to
be held at Moscow, to which we would send high
representatives who could discuss these matters

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directly with you. If this conference appeals to you, we
want you to know that, pending the decisions of that
conference, we shall continue to send supplies and
materials as rapidly as possible.

We realise fully how vitally important to the defeat of
Hitlerism is the brave and steadfast resistance of the
Soviet Union, and we feel therefore that we must not in
any circumstances fail to act quickly and immediately in
this matter of planning the programme for the future
allocation of our joint resources.

Lord Beaverbrook had been keen to accept my invitation, which I sent while on the outward voyage. At the same time I needed Mr. Purvis, who was in any case returning to Washington. I considered that the combination of Beaverbrook and Purvis, who in many ways represented Canada, would give us the best chance of coping with the painful splitting of supplies between Great Britain and Soviet Russia which was desirable and also inevitable. I also hoped that Beaverbrook would be able to spur and enlarge the whole scale of American production. In anticipation of their arrival I drafted a memorandum, which will be found among the Appendices.
1
Beaverbrook and Purvis started from Prestwick in different airplanes within a few hours of one another. It was an even chance who went in either plane. Beaverbrook arrived safely at the Newfoundland airport, and joined me after a long train journey early on the 12th. Purvis and all with him were killed by one of those sinister strokes of fortune which make a plane fly into a hill of no great height within a few minutes of taking off. Purvis was a grievous loss, as he held so many British, American, and Canadian threads in his hands, and had hitherto been the directing mind in their harmonious combination. When Max arrived I told him this shocking

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news. He was silent for a moment, but made no comment.

It was wartime.

The following telegram summarises the result of our final conference:

Prime

Minister

to

12 Aug. 41

Lord Privy Seal

Please thank Cabinet for amazingly swift reply. I put
your alternative Clause 4 to President, but he preferred
to stick to the phrasing already agreed. I do not myself
see any real difference. Phrase about “respect for
existing obligations” safeguards our relations with
Dominions. We could not see how competition of cheap
labour would come in, as all countries preserve the
right of retaining or imposing national tariffs as they
think fit pending better solutions.

2. The President cordially accepted your new
paragraph 5, but you will see that the reference to

“want” comes in where the President originally wished it

– at the end of paragraph 6. A few verbal flourishes not
affecting substance have been added.

3. We have laid special stress on the warning to
Japan which constitutes the teeth of the President’s
communication. One would always fear State Department trying to tone it down; but President has promised
definitely to use the hard language.

4. Arrival of Russia as a welcome guest at hungry
table and need of large supplementary programmes
both for ourselves and the United States forces make
review and expansion of United States production
imperative. President proposes shortly to ask Congress
for another five billion dollars Lend-Lease Bill. President
welcomes Beaverbrook’s arrival at Washington, and I
am convinced this is the needful practical step. See
also the Roosevelt-Churchill message to dear old Joe. I
think they will send Harriman to represent them, and I
should propose that Beaverbrook should go for us to
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Moscow, or wherever Russian Government is. We do
not wish conference in Russia to start before latter part
of September, by when it is hoped we shall know where
the Russian front will lie for the winter.

5. They are sending us immediately 150,000 more
rifles, and I look for improved allocations of heavy
bombers and tanks. I hope they will take over whole
ferry service and deliver both in England and in West
Africa by American pilots, many of whom may stay for
war-training purposes with us.

6. Your promptness has enabled me to start home
today, 12th. President is sending American destroyers
with us, who are not considered escort but will chip in if
any trouble occurs. Franklin Junior is serving on one of
them, and has been appointed Liaison Officer to me
during my day in Iceland (C),
2
where there will be a
joint review of British and American forces.

7. Lord Beaverbrook is now proceeding with Harriman by air to United States.

8. I trust my colleagues will feel that my mission has
been fruitful. I am sure I have established warm and
deep personal relations with our great friend.

Before sailing homeward I received a message of congratulation from the King. During the voyage I replied to this and other telegrams.

Prime Minister to His

13 Aug. 41

Majesty the King

Most grateful to Your Majesty for good wishes. Lord
Privy Seal will submit full text of all telegrams recording
business. I have established with President most
cordial personal relations, and trust Your Majesty will
feel that results justify mission. President has given me
personal letter, which I shall hope to deliver to you at
luncheon on Tuesday, 19th.

And to Mr. Attlee, who telegraphed on behalf of the Cabinet: The Grand Alliance

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Prime

Minister

to

13 Aug. 41

Lord Privy Seal

Many thanks for your kind message. I am delighted
you will broadcast statement and declaration yourself.

Please make a definite break between the preliminary
statement and the actual text by saying, “I will now read
the actual text of the Joint Declaration.” I do not consider any comment will be required from me, as announcement is itself sufficient to fill the newspapers. I
might broadcast on the Sunday night following my
return, when reaction in United States to our meeting
and Joint Declaration will be apparent.

Any necessary guidance can be given to the press
confidentially, but they will surely see that Joint Declaration proposing final destruction of Nazi power and
disarmament of aggressive nations while Britain and
United States remain armed is an event of first magnitude. It would be well to let this soak in on its own
merits on friend and foe.

2. For your secret information, President is
remaining at sea until end of week in order to cover my
return. I told him this was not necessary, but he insisted.

3. We shall be most interested to know how it is all
taken.