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Authors: Donald B. Kraybill,Steven M. Nolt,David L. Weaver-Zercher

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Members of the most traditional Amish affiliations make very little use of telephones, though they may ask non-Amish neighbors to make emergency calls on their behalf. At the other end of the spectrum, a small number of Amish churches permit telephones in their homes. Most Amish, however, have settled on some form of limited phone access. They may permit phones in shops or other places of business but forbid them in the home, or they may establish neighborhood phone booths that several families share. Cell phones, popular with Amish contractors and with some young people who have not yet joined the church, are strongly discouraged in most
Gmay
s, but are acceptable in others.
Amish use of technology often perplexes outsiders. Why would God frown on a telephone? Is it not hypocritical to hire English taxi drivers but refuse to own cars? And what could be the difference between 12-volt electricity from batteries and 110-volt current from public utility lines? These distinctions may look silly to an outsider, but within the context of Amish history they are important cultural compromises that have helped slow the pace of social change and keep worldliness at bay.
All these adaptations reflect Amish attempts to balance tradition and change. Economic viability often factors into their decisions about technology, but convenience for convenience’s sake is not a high priority. The Amish seek to master technology rather than become its slave. Like few other communities, they have shown the tenacity to tackle the powerful forces of technology in order to preserve their traditional way of life.
Changing Occupations
 
Until the 1960s, most Amish people, regardless of the state in which they resided, lived on family farms. Amish farms were small, diversified operations with a dozen cows, some chickens, and a few beef cattle. Although many continue this tradition, Amish farms have grown more specialized, with dairy cows and, in some cases, chickens or hogs. Specialized farms tend to be more mechanized, but still less so than neighboring non-Amish farms. Farmers with more than twenty cows typically use mechanical milkers and bulk cooling tanks. The more traditional farmers milk by hand and ship their milk in old-fashioned cans to cheese plants.
Although farming continues to hold a revered place in Amish life, the majority of Amish people in many settlements have abandoned their plows. In some of the larger communities, less than 10 percent of the families farm. This shift to nonfarm work is the biggest change in Amish society in the last century. Still, despite their growing involvement in business and commerce, the Amish remain a distinctly rural people, living along country roads and on the outskirts of small villages. Many families combine off-farm work with hobby farming.
In recent decades, hundreds of Amish-owned shops have sprung up in some communities. Most are small family businesses with fewer than ten employees and are usually, but not always, overseen by men. The bulk of these businesses produce wood products—household and outdoor furniture, gazebos, small barns, and lawn ornaments—though quilt shops, greenhouses, and bakeries have also been very successful. With low overhead and an ample supply of family labor, the small home-based shops tend to be very profitable. The annual sales of the larger businesses may exceed $5 million.
Construction work also provides employment for many Amish men in some states. In certain communities, dozens of construction crews travel considerable distances to build homes and commercial buildings for non-Amish people. In other settlements, the majority of Amish men work in non-Amish factories located in rural areas or small towns. In northern Indiana, for instance, many Amish work in factories that assemble recreational vehicles.
The growth of nonfarm employment has brought new wealth to many Amish communities. Some leaders worry that the new jobs bring too much “easy money” and will eventually erode a work ethic built on generations of farming. Others fear that fringe benefits, such as medical insurance, that accompany outside factory employment will undermine the commitment to mutual aid within the church. For this reason, many Amish communities prefer home-based shops to “lunch pail jobs” away from home. “What we’re trying to do,” said one shop owner, “is to keep the family together.”
Public Relations
 
The Amish generally do not join public organizations or service clubs in their communities. Some of them, however, are members of local volunteer fire companies and emergency medical units. Although they do not develop intimate relationships with outsiders or marry them, they are usually good neighbors who enjoy many friendships with non-Amish people.
Contrary to some misperceptions, the Amish do pay taxes: state and federal income taxes, sales and real estate taxes, and public school taxes. They are legally exempt from paying Social Security taxes, however, because they consider Social Security a form of insurance and refuse its benefits. The Amish believe that the Bible instructs them to care for church members who have special needs, including the elderly. To rely on commercial or government insurance would mock their faith that God will care for them through the church.
The Amish are taught to respect and pray for governing authorities. However, when caught in a conflict between their conscience and civic law, they cite the scripture verse “obey God rather than men” (Acts 5:29). From their reading of the New Testament, particularly the Sermon on the Mount, they believe that Jesus’ followers are to be nonviolent, and they forbid entering the armed forces. They do not hold public office and generally avoid engaging in political activism. Some, however, do vote. The rate of voting is typically low unless a local issue is on the ballot.
In recent decades, numerous conflicts have pitted the Amish against the growing regulatory power of the state. The points of friction have included military service, education, Social Security, health care, property zoning, child labor, photo identification, and the use of slow-moving-vehicle signs. To cope with these various conflicts, the Amish have formed a national steering committee with representatives in various states to work with legislators when issues arise. In general, however, the Amish have fared rather well in a political system that respects and protects their freedom of religious expression.
Blemish and Virtue
 
The Amish are far from perfect. Amish hearts sometimes swell with greed, jealousy, and anger. Parents worry about their children, and some Amish youth rebel against their parents, their churches, and even the law. Although the Amish forbid divorce, some marriages do sour. Church leaders have been known to abuse their power, and sexual and physical abuse occurs in some Amish families as it does in other North American families. Disagreements sometimes debilitate a church district, forcing the local church to split into factions.
Despite their blemishes, the Amish have developed a remarkably stable society. With little government aid, they provide care and dignity for elderly and disabled members. Apart from occasional arrests for alcohol or drug abuse among their youth, Amish communities have avoided many of the blights of modern life.With only a few exceptions, they have no homeless or unemployed members and no one living on government subsidies. Moreover, very few adults are charged with committing crimes. Thus, all things considered, the Amish have created a humane society despite their lack of high school education, professional training, and a full embrace of technology.
The Amish have learned to live with limits. Indeed, they would argue that setting and respecting limits on almost everything is one of the foundations of wisdom. Limits, for the Amish, are a necessary requirement for human happiness. Without limits, the Amish believe, individuals become arrogant, conceited, and self-destructive. To be sure, restraints diminish individual freedom, personal choices, and various forms of self-expression. At the same time, some would say, they grant greater dignity and security to the individual than the endless choices afforded by modern life. To the Amish way of thinking, a respect for limits builds community, brings a sense of belonging, and shapes identity—three important keys to human satisfaction and happiness.
APPENDIX II: AMISH LECTIONARY
 
Although Amish ministers preach extemporaneously, their sermons are based largely on a lectionary of biblical texts that repeats each year. Families typically read the texts at home in preparation for the church service the following week. The texts are then read aloud in the worship service, either by a deacon or a minister, depending on local tradition.The church year begins with Christ’s birth. Because each
Gmay
meets for worship every other week, there are only twenty-six weeks in the lectionary cycle.
Preachers make frequent allusions to Old Testament stories and psalms, but sermons are mostly based on New Testament texts. Within the New Testament itself, there is an obvious preference for texts from the Gospels of Matthew, Luke, and John, all of which present the teaching and ministry of Jesus. Of these Gospels, Matthew receives the highest priority.
In addition to granting such prominence to Jesus’ ministry, the lectionary suggests other theological emphases, such as using a narrative-historical text (Hebrews) to discuss faith, rather than using a more abstract discussion of faith, such as that found in Romans. The readings also reflect Amish theological understandings as they relate to significant church practices. For instance, biblical texts that focus on communion (the Lord’s Supper, or Eucharist) follow those that deal with church counsel and discipline, which in turn follow scripture readings on the new birth.
This lectionary is the one used by Amish churches in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, since at least the 1890s. Lectionaries used in the Midwest vary only slightly from this one. Please note that readings in the spring are movable to align with the dates of Easter and Pentecost.
1. Christmas
Matthew 1 and 2, or Luke 1 and 2
2. John the Baptist
Matthew 3 and 4, or John 3
3. Sermon on the Mount
Matthew 5 and 6
4. On Judgment
Matthew 7 and 8
5. Christ’s Miracles
Matthew 9 and 10
6. Christ’s Invitation
Matthew 11 and 12
7. Vine and Branches
John 14 and 15
8. Easter
Matthew 26 and 27
9. New Birth
John 3 and Romans 6
10. Council Meeting
Matthew 18 and 1 Corinthians 5
11. Lord’s Supper (Communion)
Luke 22: 1-32; 1 Corinthians 10:1-24, 11:2, and 17-34; John 6:48-71, 13:1-17
12. Faith
Hebrews 11 and 12
13. Pentecost
Acts 1 and 2
14. Starting to Bring in the Hay
Luke 12 and 13
15. Harvest Time
John 4 and Revelation 14
16. The Lost Son
Luke 14 and 15
17. The Rich Man
Luke 16 and 17
18. The Judge
Luke 18 and 19
19. The Seventy Disciples
Luke 10 and Romans 12
20. Autumn Seeding
Matthew 13 and Galatians 6
21. The Shepherd
John 10 and 1 Corinthians 13
22. New Birth
Same as in spring
23. Council Meeting
Same as in spring
24. Lord’s Supper (Communion)
Same as in spring
25. Faith; also Government
Hebrews 11 and 12; Romans 13; 1 Peter 2 or Titus
26. End of the World
Matthew 24 and 25
APPENDIX III: RULES OF A GODLY LIFE
 
“Rules of a Godly Life” (
Regeln eines Gottseligen Lebens
) has long been a popular devotional source among the Amish. Its origin is obscure, but it seems to have originated in European Pietist circles. Pietism was a spiritual renewal movement during the 1600s and 1700s, principally among Lutheran and Reformed adherents.
The tone and content of “Rules” is similar to some other well-known Christian devotional works, including
The Imitation of Christ
(c. 1418) by Thomas à Kempis and William Law’s
A Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life
(1729).
The earliest known edition of “Rules of a Godly Life” appeared in 1736 in a devotional book titled
Geistliches Lust Gärtlein frommer Seelen
—literally, “Spiritual Pleasure Garden for Devout Souls”—published in Basel, Switzerland. From 1787 onward, “Rules” has been included in various editions of prayer books compiled by European and North American Amish. The English translation that follows was done by an Ontario Amish minister, Joseph Stoll, in 2000. It appears in
In Meiner Jugend: A Devotional Reader in German and English
(Aylmer, ON: Pathway Publishers, 2000), 65-103.
BOOK: The Amish Way
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