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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 283
Adams and Fray Angélico Chávez,
The Missions of New Mexico, 1776
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1956), pp. 39-40. The census figures for Santa Fe are given in Adams and Chávez,
Missions
, p. 42. A slightly earlier anonymous (1765) census (D. C. Cutter, trans. and ed., "An Anonymous Statistical Report on New Mexico in 1765,
NMHR
50 (4) (1975): 347-52); p. 351 lists 89 families of Indians in the villa (no further breakdown). However, the numbers of "gente de razón" in Santa Fe included 274 families or 2,244 individuals, plus 80 soldiers. This is a family size of more than 8 persons, which seems rather high. The average family size for other parts of New Mexico in this census is about 4.6 persons. If this figure actually held for Santa Fe, the population total would be more in line with that of Domínguez.
For information on Juan de Griego I am much indebted to the manuscript "Another Mexico," by Donna Pierce and Cordelia T. Snow. This was prepared as part of an exhibit with the same name at the Governor's Palace, Museum of New Mexico, 1997, and there is a copy on file in the office of the Director of the Governor's Palace, Santa Fe. For the comments on Griego, see esp. p. 30.
For the Mexican Indians at Analco and their disappearance in the eighteenth century, see M. Simmons, "Tlascalans in the Spanish Borderlands,"
NMHR
39 (2) (1964): 101-10, pp. 108-10. Whether these were actually Tlaxcalans is uncertain, though the eighteenth-century map of Joseph de Urrutia (dated 1766-68 but perhaps copying an earlier map) calls the area south of the Santa Fe River the "Pueblo or Barrio of Analco which owes its origin to the Tlascalans who accompanied the first Spaniards who entered in the Conquest of this kingdom" (Adams and Chávez,
Missions,
pp. 10-11). Still, as Adams and Chávez point out (304), this may have come from a misreading of one of the Otermín documents, and we cannot really be certain that Tlaxcalans, as against other central Mexican natives, were in Santa Fe in the seventeenth century. A discussion of Santa Fe in 1620 comes from a letter from the viceroy to Eulate, in L. B. Bloom, "A Glimpse of New Mexico in 1620,"
NMHR
3 (4) (1928): 357-80, pp. 369-370. For comments on the 1573
Ordenanzas
, see C. T. Snow, ''Hypothetical Configurations of the Early Santa Fe Plaza," (
Santa Fe Historic Plaza, Study I
, L. Tigges, ed. [City Planning Department, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1990]), pp. 55-56. Parenthetically, the Spanish word for
swamp
is now generally spelled
ciénaga.
For the value of the land unit
caballería
, I am using the 1573
Ordenanzas
, as analyzed by D. H. Snow, "Review of Agrarian and Linear Land Measurement of Land from Seventeenth Century Documents,''
Santa Fe Historic Plaza, Study I
, pp. 85-107, p. 97. J. P. Sánchez ("The Peralta-Ordóñez Affair,"
Santa Fe: History of an Ancient City
, D. G. Noble, ed. [School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1989], pp. 27-38) says that 4 caballerias equaled about 133 acres (28). This unit of land measurement
Page 284
seems to have been somewhat variable; for example, Polzer, Barnes, and Naylor (
Documentary Relations
, p. 50) list the caballeria as 609,408 square varas or 105.76 acres.
For comments on the sequence of churches in Santa Fe, see Angelico Chávez, "Santa Fe Church and Convent Sites in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,"
NMHR
24 (2) (1949): 85-93. The question of Benavides and San Miguel is discussed by Forrestal and Lynch (
Benavides' Memorial
, p. 24 n. 53), as well as by Hodge (Hodge, Hammond and Rey,
Benavides
, pp. 273-74, n. 86). In 1692 Vargas ordered repairs on San Miguel (primarily a new roof) so that it might serve as a temporary church, presumably for the entire population. See J. L. Kessell, R. Hendricks, and M. Dodge, eds.
To the Royal Crown Restored
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1995), pp. 476-77. For a discussion of the Santa Fe situation a decade or so after the founding, see Bloom,
New Mexico in 1620
, p. 370. For the material quoted about the 1620 church situation, see the Spanish transcription, p. 380. In a popular pamphlet, Brother B. Lewis, F.S.C. (
Oldest Church in U.S. The San Miguel Chapel
, published as a guide to the Santa Fe San Miguel Church, 1957, unpaged) believes that San Miguel was built in 1610, though he gives no evidence for that particular year.
The size of the original plaza is discussed by Chávez, "Santa Fe Church." See esp. p. 92, where he says, "the Santa Fe Plaza in its original form, from 1610 to 1680, ran clear up to the middle of the present Cathedral." The question of the overall size of the plaza is still much in dispute. See C. T. Snow,
Configurations
, pp. 55-84, for an argument for a somewhat larger northsouth extension of the plaza. An argument that the plaza did not extend as far south as the Rio Chiquito is given by S. M. Hordes, "The History of the Santa Fe Plaza, 1610-1720,"
Santa Fe Historic Plaza, Study 1,
pp. 3-36, esp. pp. 6-7. A good summary of the region west of the plaza can be found in C. T. Snow, "Historical Overview West of the Santa Fe Plaza'' (see S. S. Post and C. T. Snow,
Archaeological and Historical Survey for the Richards Avenue and West Alameda Project, Santa Fe, New Mexico
[Museum of New Mexico, Office of Archaeological Studies, Archaeology Notes 62, Santa Fe, 1992], pp. 23-48). For the archaeology of the area, see F. Levine, ''Down Under an Ancient City,"
Santa Fe: History of an Ancient City
, D. G. Noble, ed., pp. 9-25, pp. 16-18. An excellent summary of the archaeological sequence along the Santa Fe River can be found in Post and Snow,
Survey
, pp. 9-21. It was hoped that a series of excavations in the present plaza in 1990 might shed further light on seventeenth-century Santa Fe. Unfortunately, because of the disturbed nature of the plaza subsoil, relatively little was learned, although a certain number of seventeenth-century artifacts were found. See D. H. Snow and C. T. Snow,
Santa Fe Historic Plaza Study II
,
Page 285
Plaza Excavation Final Report, Fall 1990
, (Cross-Cultural Research Systems for the City of Santa Fe, 1992), pp. ii, 67, 74-80.
For the Palace of the Governors, see B. Bunting,
Early Architecture in New Mexico
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1976), pp. 80-82. M. Simmons ("Spanish Irrigation in New Mexico,"
NMHR
47 [2] [1972]: 135-50) discusses the early attempts at irrigation at Santa Fe. Excavations in the mid-1970s among seventeenth-century deposits in the Casa Real have produced bones of trout, catfish, and the now extinct blue sucker, which was being used as late as the Pueblo Revolt period (Pierce and Snow,
Another Mexico
, p. 43).
Tree-ring information for the period of the founding of Santa Fe comes from J. A. Tainter and F. Levine,
Cultural Resources Overview: Central New Mexico
(USDA, Forest Service and BLM, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1987), p. 77. See also C. T. Snow,
Hypothetical Configurations
, pp. 56-58. For governors' salaries, see F. V. Scholes, "Royal Treasury Records Relating to the Province of New Mexico, 1596-1683,"
NMHR
50 (1) (1975): 5-23 (pt. 1);
NMHR
50 (2) (1975): 139-64 (pt. 2), pt. 1, pp. 13-15. For Oñate's trade materials in the final Salazar, inspection, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, pp. 220-23. Interestingly, in the Ulloa inspection undertaken a year or so previously, Oñate listed some 620 pesos of trade goods, 120 pesos over his announced quota (vol. 1, pp. 134-36). Governor Eulate's trade in Pueblo Indians, illegally enslaved, is found in Scholes,
Church and State
, chap. 3, p. 164. The trade situation in the 1630s is reported by Scholes
Church and State
, chap. 4, pp. 285-87. The quote by Perea can be found on pp. 285-86.
The 1631 contract for the supply train can be found in Scholes,
Supply Service
, pp. 96-113; for the 1664 and later arrangements, see pp. 392-401. For information on the mission supply trains, I draw heavily on J. E. Ivey, "Seventeenth-Century Mission Trade on the Camino Real,"
El Camino Real de Tierra Adentro
, G. G. Palmer, ed. (BLM, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1993), pp. 41-67); see esp. pp. 42-48. For the quote on the founding of the service, see pp. 42-43. Additional relevant papers from Palmer,
Camino Real
, include D. Scurlock, "Through Desierto and Bosque," pp. 1-11; C. L. Riley, "The Pre-Spanish Camino," pp. 13-20; M. Simmons, ''Opening the Camino Real," pp. 29-34; T. E. Chávez, ''North from Mexico and Beyond," pp. 35-40; C. T. Snow, "A Headdress of Pearls," pp. 69-76; J. O. Baxter, "Livestock on the Camino Real," pp. 101-11; and D. H. Snow, "Purchased in Chihuahua for Feasts," pp. 133-46. Various costs for personnel and equipment on the mission trains come from the AGI (Mexico, leg. 42, data for Oct. 12, 1665, in Scholes Collection). Pay for soldiers is given in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 316-22. For the timing of the López de Mendizábal train, consult Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 2, pp. 155, 163. For the Gruber story, see J. P Sánchez,
The Rio Abajo Frontier, 1540-1692
(Monograph of
Page 286
the Albuquerque Museum, Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1987), pp. 120-28. The route of the Camino Real through Chihuahua is discussed in Roney, "Tracing the Camino Real," in
Camino Real
, pp. 88-90. See also Knaut,
Revolt
, 122-26. For nineteenth-century preferences as to the trail, see A. H. Schroeder, "The Camino Real in 1846-1847,"
Camino Real
, pp. 177-86, p. 177.
The search for minerals by the Chamuscado party is reported in Hammond and Rey,
Rediscovery
, pp. 110, 114, 143, 145. The comments of Luxán are found on pp. 170-71, 176, 196-98, and of Espejo on pp. 222, 223, 227 (see quote), and 228. Castaño's search for mines is discussed on pp. 279, 289. For the Farfán trip to the Verde River area, see Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, 408-15. The quote from Farfán is on p. 413. For the assay results, see vol. 1, pp. 420-24. The request for silver stamps comes from vol. 1, p. 489; for the Núñez Pérez letter, see vol. 1,p. 584. Report of the San Marcos mine is found in vol. 2, p. 630. The discouraging remarks of the viceroy appear in vol. 2, pp. 1001-2; see also p. 1034. For the mining situation in the 1620s, see Zárate Salmerón,
Relaciones
, p. 56. For the comments on mines and mining by Father Benavides, see Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, p. 17. Father Prada's remarks are contained in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 109.
For information on mining in sixteenth-and seventeenth-century Nueva Vizcaya, I draw heavily from R. C. West, "The Mining Community in Northern New Spain: The Parral Mining District,"
Ibero-Americana
30 (1949): esp. pp. 1-9, 11-14, 17-39. For New Mexico mining, consult W. W. Long, "A History of Mining in New Mexico During the Spanish and Mexican Periods" (M.A. thesis in History, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, 1964). See also E. Ramos Garrido, "El papel del azogue en la industria minera en España y en las Indias,"
Colonial Latin American Historical Review
5 (2) (1996): 151-94. The "mercury'' mine in Hopi country is discussed by J. L. Kessell and R. Hendricks,
By Force of Arms: The Journals of don Diego de Vargas, New Mexico, 1691-93
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1992), pp. 123-201. An excellent source for distribution of minerals in New Mexico is S. A. Northrop,
Minerals of New Mexico
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, rev.ed., 1959), esp. pp. 119-20, 182-84, 190-92, 246-49. For the disparity between income and outgo in New Mexico, see Scholes,
Treasury Records
, pt. 2, p. 160.
Information on seventeenth-century estancia sites in New Mexico comes from D. H. Snow, "A Review of Spanish Colonial Archaeology in Northern New Mexico,"
Current Research on the Late Prehistory and Early History of New Mexico
, B. J. Vierra, ed. (New Mexico Archaeological Council, Special Publication I, Albuquerque, N.Mex.), pp. 185-93. I also had the opportunity to tour the Ciénega site with David Snow in the summer of 1996. An insightful survey of
BOOK: Kachina and the Cross
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