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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 267
de los descubrimientos antiguos y modernas de la Nueva España, escrita por el conquistador Baltasar de Obregón
(Departo. Editorial de la Sria de Educación Publica, México, 1924), p. 304. Castaño de Sosa also mentions chile peppers; see Hammond and Rey,
Rediscovery
, p. 278. Late prehistoric plant and animal use is discussed by K. A. Spielmann and E. A. Angstadt-Leto, "Hunting, Gathering, and Health in the Prehistoric Southwest,"
Evolving Complexity and Environmental Risk in the Prehistoric Southwest
, J. A. Tainter and B. B. Tainter, eds. (Proceedings of the Santa Fe Institute, vol. 24, Addison-Wesley, Reading, Mass., 1996), pp. 79-106.
For plant use among the historic Pueblos, see M. C. Stevenson,
The Zuni Indians
(Rio Grande Press, Glorieta, N.Mex., 1985 [originally published as BAEAR 23, 1904]), pp. 385-86, 390-439. See also M. C. Stevenson,
Ethnobotany of the Zuni Indians
(BAE-AR 30, 1915), pp. 35-102; see pp. 39-64 for medicinal plants, and pp. 65-83 for edible plants or ones used in weaving, dyeing, basket making, pottery decoration, and as cosmetics. For other Pueblos, see L. A. White,
The Pueblo of Santo Domingo
(AAA Memoir 43, 1935), esp. p. 80; A. F. Whiting,
Ethnobotany of the Hopi
(Museum of Northern Arizona, Northland Press, Flagstaff, 1966); C. H. Lange,
The Cochiti
(University of Texas Press, Austin, 1959), esp. pp. 125-41 (hunting and fishing), pp. 145-52 (use of plants); W. W. Robbins, J. P. Harrington, and B. Freire-Marreco,
Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians
(
BAE Bulletin
55 [1916]). For comparison with Southwestern Hispanics, consult K. C. Ford,
Las Yerbas de la Gente: A Study of Hispano-American Medical Plants
(Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Anthropological Papers 60, 1975). G. D. Tierney ("How Did Domesticated Plants Come to the Southwest?"
El Palacio
89 [1] [1983]: 11-17, p. 16) cautions that certain "campfollowing" weeds, including plants like purslane, may have arrived with the early Spaniards (p. 16). Animals in the northern Rio Grande Basin are discussed in J. Henderson and J. P Harrington,
Ethnozoology of the Tewa Indians
(
BAE Bulletin
56 [1914]).
For astronomical observations of the P-11 and P-111 Pueblos, see J. M. Malville and C. Putnam,
Prehistoric Astronomy in the Southwest
(Johnson Books, Boulder, Colo., 1989). A discussion of Chimney Rock comes on pp. 45-55. See also R. B. Powers, W. B. Gillespie, and S. H. Lekson,
The Outlier Survey
(National Park Service, Division of Cultural Research, Reports of the Chaco Center, no. 3, 1983), pp. 156-61. A discussion of solar-lunar correspondences comes in J. E. Reyman, "The Predictive Dimension of Priestly Power,"
New Frontiers in the Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Greater Southwest
, C. L. Riley and B. C. Hedrick, eds. (Transactions of the Illinois Academy of Science, vol. 72, no. 4, 1980 [whole volume], pp. 40-55). A useful discussion of the ceremonial calendar among
Page 268
Southwestern Indians comes in E. C. Parsons,
Pueblo Indian Religion
(2 vols., University of Chicago Press, 1939), vol. 1, pp. 493-549.
A common interpretation of Casas Grandes is that the site itself was the head of a mercantile ''empire,'' the result of settlement by traders from Mesoamerica. This was the thrust of C. C. Di Peso,
Casas Grandes. A Fallen Trading Center of the Gran Chichimeca
(Amerind Foundation, Dragoon, Ariz., and Northland Press, Flagstaff, 3 vols.), esp. vol. 2, pp. 290-95. More recently, there has been a tendency to consider the Casas Grandes area as more diffuse with a number of centers, trading locally and influencing a considerable region in northern Chihuahua and southern New Mexico. See the discussion in Schaafsma and Riley,
Casas Grandes
. For the kachina cult among the pueblos, see P. Schaafsma, "The Prehistoric Kachina Cult and Its Origins,"
Kachinas in the Pueblo World
, P. Schaafsma, ed. (University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1994), pp. 63-79; E. C. Adams, "The Katsina Cult: A Western Pueblo Perspective," in P. Schaafsma, ed.,
Kachinas
, pp. 35-46; D. Tedlock, "Stories of Kachinas and the Dance of Life and Death," in P. Schaafsma, ed.,
Kachinas,
pp. 161-74, esp. pp. 162-63. Regarding the direction of spread of the original cult, an argument for a diffusion up the Rio Grande from the Jornada Mogollon is given in P. Schaafsma, ed.,
Kachina Cult
, pp. 78-79; see also Schaafsma and Schaafsma, "Evidence for the
Origins of the Pueblo Kachina Cult,
pp. 535-45. A diffusion out of Mexico to a more westerly locus is argued by Adams,
Katsina Cult
, pp. 45-46. See also E. C. Adams,
Origin.
The comments on Quetzalcoatl and Chalchihuitlicue are from a manuscript version of C. R. McKusick's
Southwest Birds of Sacrifice
, chaps. 13 and 14 (manuscript at Southwestern Bird Laboratory, Globe, Ariz.) and from personal correspondence with McKusick. For a discussion of sun, moon, and duality symbolism found among the Mimbres and their diffusion to the Pueblo world, see Thompson,
Mimbres Iconography.
On the twin aspects of Quetzalcoatl and its relationship to the twin stories elsewhere in Mesoamerica, see B. C. Brundage,
The Phoenix of the Western World
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1981), pp. 206, 220-21; also A. Caso,
The Aztecs: People of the Sun
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1958), p. 24. See also Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 109-12 (kachina cult) and 218-21 (Shalako). Ted J. Warner speculates that in the winter of 1776 Domínguez and Escalante may have lingered at Zuni to see the Shalako, but there is no evidence one way or the other for this. See T. J. Warner, ed., and Fray A. Chávez, trans.,
The Domínguez-Escalante Journal
(University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, 1995), p. 140. For Apache religion, consult Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides'Memorial
, pp. 43-44. C. C. Di Peso ("Casas Grandes and the Gran Chichimeca,"
El Palacio
75 [4] [1968]: 47-61) discusses the Mesoamerican Quetzalcoatl cult.
Page 269
M. J. Young ("The Interconnection between Western Puebloan and Mesoamerican Ideology/Cosmology," in P. Schaafsma, ed.,
Kachinas in the Pueblo World
, pp. 107-20, esp. p. 109) has tentatively related the ancient Old Fire God of Mesoamerica (called Huehueteotl by the Aztecs) with the Zuni Shulawitsi and the Hopi Somaikoli and Kawikoli. She sees a relationship between Quetzalcoatl, the Zuni Pautiwa, and the Hopi Eototo; while both Quetzalcoatl and Tlaloc may be ancestral to Zuni Kolowisi and Hopi Palölökong, the horned serpent. She also points up the similarity of Quetzalcoatl to the twin war-gods of Zuni and Hopi (p. 115).
For modern (and traditional) Pueblo sociopolitical and ceremonial organization, see E. J. Ladd, "Cushing Among the Zuni,"
Gilcrease Journal
2 (2) (1994): 20-35; also consult E. J. Ladd, "Zuni Social and Political Organization,"
HNAI,
A. Ortiz, vol. ed., vol. 9, pp. 482-91). In this Ortiz-edited volume 9 of
HNAI
, see also E. J. Ladd, "Zuni Economy,'' pp. 492-98; D. Tedlock, "Zuni Religion and World View," pp. 499-508; J. C. Connelly, "Hopi Social Organization,'' pp. 539-53; A. Frigout, "Hopi Ceremonial Organization," pp. 564-76. For the eastern Pueblos, see various articles in vol. 9 of
HNAI
Also consult B. P. Dutton,
American Indians of the Southwest
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1983), pp. 9-31; E. P. Dozier,
The Pueblo Indians of North America
(Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1970), pp. 133-76, 200-212. Dozier's statement on the recent diffusion of Tanoan clans comes on pp. 165-66. For material on the cacique among the Keresan Pueblos, see L. A. White,
The Pueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico
(American Anthropological Association, Memoir 60, 1942), pp. 96-99. The idea that originally all the Pueblos were matrilineal comes from R. A. Gutiérrez,
When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away
(Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif., 1991), p. 79.
For a discussion of Jumano and Apache culture in the sixteenth and later centuries, see W. W. Newcomb Jr.,
The Indians of Texas
(University of Texas Press, Austin, 1961), pp. 225-45 (Jumanos), 103-31 (Lipan Apaches). See also M. E. Opler, "The Apachean Culture Pattern and Its Origins,"
HNAI
, A. Ortiz, vol. ed., vol. 10, 1983, pp. 368-92; also R. M. Underhill,
The Navajos
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1956), pp. 3-32. For a survey of early Apacheans, see Y. R. Oakes, "Expanding Athabaskan Chronometric Boundaries in West Central New Mexico,"
La Jornada, Papers in Honor of William F. Turney
, M. S. Durán and D. T. Kirkpatrick, eds. (Archaeological Society of New Mexico, 22), pp. 139-49. Questions as to Navajo origins are certainly unsettled. For the early identification of Apaches de Navajo, see Forrestal and Lynch,
Benavides' Memorial
, esp. pp. 44-52 (for the location of the Navajo, see pp. 44-45, 52); F. W. Hodge, G. P. Hammond, and A. Rey,
Fray Alonso de Benavides' Revised Memorial of 1634
Page 270
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1945), pp. 306-10; G. Zárate Salmerón,
Relaciones de todas las cosas que en Nueva México . . . 1538-1626
(Documentos para la historia de México, 3rd sér., México, 1856); an English translation is
Relaciones: An Account of Things Seen and Learned by Father Jerónimo de Zárate Salmerón
, A. R. Milich, ed. (Horn and Wallace Pubs., Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1966); for the material on the Navajos, see p. 94. Identification of the name
Tacabuy
as perhaps Navajo comes from J. D. Forbes, "The Early Western Apache,"
Journal of the West
5 (1966): 336-54, p. 349. For Zárate Salmerón's work at Jemez, consult J. D. Forbes,
Apache, Navajo, and Spaniard
(University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, 1960), esp. pp. 114-15. Apachean contact with the Jemez in the seventeenth century is considered by D. M. Brugge, "Pueblo Factionalism and External Relations,"
Ethnohistory
16 (2) (1969): 191-200, esp. pp. 192-93. The question of Navajo penetration into the Chama area is discussed in C. F. Schaafsma, ''The Piedra Lumbre Phase and the Origin of the Navajo," paper presented at the 58th annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, St. Louis, Mo., 1993 (copy available at the library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N.Mex.). C. R. McKusick and J. N. Young (
The Gila Pueblo Salado
[Salado Chapter, Arizona Archaeological Society, Globe, 1997], p. 121) believe for example that the historic Navajo trait of leaving spirit exits (broken lines or other imperfections) in manufactured goods may have Salado (Mogollon) origins, probably transmitted through the western Pueblos.
Chapter 6, The First Decade In Spanish New Mexico
Much of the information in this chapter comes from the various Oñate documents collected by Hammond and Rey (
Oñate
) and found in Villagrá's
Historia
. For background on the Franciscans, see Torquemada,
Monarquia indiana.
Specific information on the Oñate period in New Mexico comes from Torquemada, vol. 1, pp. 672-81. There is also some information in J. de Villagutierre Sotomayor,
Historia de la Nueva México
, A. C. Herrera, ed. (Madrid, 1953). The early settlements at Okeh and Yungue are discussed in F. Hawley Ellis, "The Long Lost City of San Gabriel del Yungue,"
When Cultures Meet
, H. Agoyo and L. Brown, eds.;
San Gabriel del Yungue
(Sunstone Press, Santa Fe, N.Mex., 1989), and "San Gabriel del Yungue as seen by an Archaeologist, 1985" (manuscript in the library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe). The "merciful punishment" statement by Oñate comes in the Itinerary of the Expedition, Hammond and Rey,
Oñate
, vol. 1, p. 323. The Obedience and Vassalage document for Santo Domingo is in vol.
BOOK: Kachina and the Cross
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