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Authors: Carroll L Riley

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Page 295
Domínguez de Mendoza to Council of Indies). For the charges against Peñalosa brought by Father Alonso de Posada, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 9, pp. 36-38.
Peñalosa's trial by the Inquisition is found in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 257-69. For the quote on Posada's alleged misdeeds at Awatovi, see pp. 259-60. For additional information, see Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 10, pp. 184-205. In France, Peñalosa produced a
Relación del descubrimiento del país y ciudad de Quivira
purported to be the journal of a voyage the governor made to the Plains in 1662. Mention of this expedition and its fictitious nature is made in a petition of Baltasar Domínguez de Mendoza to the Council of the Indies, Oct. 1, 1694 (Scholes Collection, CSWR, ms. 360, box 11, folder 1). This document, supposedly written by Fray Nicolás de Freitas, was published in English by J. G. Shea under the title
The Expedition of Don Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa
(New York, 1882; reprinted by Horn and Wallace, Albuquerque, N.Mex., 1964). The publication also included the Spanish text, which was probably taken from a French original. Shea (pp. 8-12) also includes a laudatory and rather doubtful biographical sketch of the ex-governor, apparently written by Peñalosa himself. T. E. Chávez (
Quest for Quivira
[Southwest Parks and Monuments, Tucson, Ariz., 1992], pp. 20, 55) has suggested that Peñalosa borrowed from and expanded on a real (but virtually unknown) journey by Alonso Baca in 1634, an expedition to Quivira and beyond.
The Villanueva-Miranda controversy is contained in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 280-84. A discussion of the missionary attacks on Anaya and Domínguez de Mendoza can be found in Scholes,
Troublous Times
, chap. 11,pp. 313-23. The quote from the letter from the Inquisitors to Fray Juan Bernal is on p. 320. The original is in A.G.P.M., Inquisición, 590, fol. 513. More on Cristóbal Anaya can be found in Chávez,
Origins
, p. 4; and Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, p. 66 (from Auto of Alonso García, La Isleta, Aug. 14, 1680). For other reports to the Holy Office, see Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 271-79. These include the Gruber case with its outcome, unfortunate for all concerned. Governor Medrano's problems with Juan Domínguez de Mendoza are discussed in Walz,
El Paso
, pp. 203-4. Fray Bernal's 1668 statement about Indian attacks and famine, written to the Tribunal of the Holy Office, is reproduced in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 271-72. An excellent account of those troubled years is to be found in Ivey,
Famine
, pp. 76-100. The situation in the Salinas area from the time of the famine to the Pueblo Revolt is discussed in Ivey,
Famine
, pp. 85-91. Various tree-ring charts for sub-areas in New Mexico are given by Herr and Clark,
Early Historic Migrations
, p. 372. The drought seemed particularly harsh in the northern Rio Grande area and around Chupadero
Page 296
Mesa. For Humanas especially, see Ivey,
Midst of a Loneliness
, pp. 399-407. Custodian Ayeta's statement of 1679 can be found in Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 298. For the outbreak of disease in 1671, see Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 302. The situation at Zuni is discussed by Ivey,
Famine
, p. 90; see also Crampton,
Zunis of Cíbola
, pp. 36-38. The fate of Fray Pedro de Avila y Ayala is told in Adams and Chávez,
Missions
, p. 197 n. 2. For conditions at Hopi during the famine, see Mission Report of 1672, Scholes Collection, CSWR, archive 360, box VII-1, item C. The missionization situation at Hopi in 1680 can be found in A. de Vetancurt,
Teatro Mexicano
, vol. 4,
Menologio Franciscano
(Colección Chimalistac, 11, Madrid, 1961 [first published in 1698]), pp. 275-76. For a summary of the events in Hopi during the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, see Riley,
Hopi
, chaps. 4 and 5.
The attacks in the Jornada del Muerto are discussed in Ivey,
Famine,
pp. 88-89. See also John,
Storms,
pp. 92-93. My colleague Curtis F. Schaafsma believes that the Siete Rios Apaches were named for the Seven Rivers area north and west of Carlsbad. They were probably the ancestors of the modern Mescalero. For horses spreading to non-Pueblo Indians, see D. E. Worcester, ''The Spread of Spanish Horses in the Southwest,''
NMHR
19 (3) (1944): 225-32, pp. 225-29. The Apaches were interested in mares (surely for breeding stock) as early as 1650 (see Escalante,
Extracto de noticias
, p. 102). For horse-raiding in Nueva Vizcaya, consult Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 2, pp. 219-25. For the Roque Madrid expedition, see R. Hendricks and J. P. Wilson, eds. and trans.,
The Navajos in 1705
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1996). The Faraones and Navajo expeditions of Juan Domínguez are given in a commission as maestro de campo, issued on January 5, 1675, and commission as lieutenant captain-general issued July 12, 1678. Both are part of the Scholes Collection, CSWR, ms. 360, box 11, folder 1. For the reinforcements sent from Mexico to New Mexico at the request of Father Ayeta, see Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, pp. 326. Information on the request for additional men can be found on pp. 18-19.
For the Domínguez de Mendoza and related families, see Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 1, 3-4, 24-27, 69-70. Also see the Domínguez de Mendoza file in the Scholes Collection, CSWR, ms. 360, box 11, folder 1, esp. documents dated 1625, 1652, 1662, 1665, 1667, 1669, 1675, 1676, 1678, 1684, 1694, and 1695. The 1694 document reports Juan's death in Madrid. Documents for 1675 give information on Juan Domínguez's expedition against the Faraones Apaches, and ones for 1678 describe the Domínguez attack on the Navajos. Tomé's lack of participation in the 1681-82 raid into the Pueblo area is cited in Escalante,
Extracto de noticias
, p. 59. The quotation on Juan's physical appearance comes from a certification docu-
Page 297
ment dated June 23, 1684. A commission to the title of alférez real dated Oct. 12, 1643, is a forgery, and a number of the other documents, including a commission as captain in 1652, are suspect, in part or whole. The return of José Domínguez de Mendoza to New Mexico is discussed by Chávez,
Origins
, pp. 169-70.
Chapter 12, Fateful Decisions
For the Pueblo population in Oñate's time, see the "Sources and Commentary" section for chap. 5. The population figure given by Commissary Ayeta for 1679 can be found in Father Ayeta's petition dated May 10, 1679 (Hackett,
Historical Documents
, vol. 3, p. 299). It was taken from the mission registers and includes all the Pueblos plus the Guadalupe mission near El Paso. The cabildo estimate for October 1680 is taken from Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, p. 180. B. W. Zubrow (
Population, Contact, and Climate in the New Mexico Pueblos
[Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, no. 24, 1974], pp. 12-14) has a considerably higher estimate: some 34,500 Pueblo Indians in the year 1680. In Zubrow's reconstruction, the Pueblo population rose sharply from less than 20,000 in 1630 to a peak in 1680, then fell precipitously for the next eighty years (to somewhere between 5,000 and 6,000) before beginning another, slower rise. It is not clear, however, where Zubrow got his numbers. Certainly, they contradict the various estimates made, especially by the missionaries, at intervals throughout the century. Espinosa (
Pueblo Revolt
, p. 33) gives the population total for the Christianized Pueblos as 25,000, which again seems considerably too high. His figure of approximately 2,900 Spaniards, reflecting Hackett's figures (see chap. 9) is also perhaps a bit on the high side. For a count of eastern Pueblos in the seventeenth century, see Palkovich,
Historic Population
, pp. 409-10. The count of Pueblos by Vélez de Escalante can be found in Twitchell,
Spanish Archives
, vol. 2, pp. 267, 269. Since Escalante knew Zuni well, having been the missionary there, he probably felt reasonably secure in his statement that as of 1680 Hawikuh was deserted.
The possibility of stabilization of the Pecos population after mid-century is found in the population estimates of Kessell,
Kiva, Cross, and Crown
, pp. 489-90. The comment by D. R. Wilcox ("Changing Perspectives on the Protohistoric Pueblos,"
The Protohistoric Period in the North American Southwest, A.D. 1450-1700
[D. R. Wilcox and W. B. Masse, eds., Arizona State University, Anthropological Research Papers, no. 24, 1981, pp. 378-409], p. 397) that figures for Pecos "suggest that a population decline in the second quarter of the 1600s had been completely reversed by 1680" considerably overstates the case. A discussion of disease in the early post-Hispanic Southwest comes in A. F.
Page 298
Ramenofsky, "The Problem of Introduced Infectious Diseases in New Mexico: A.D. 1540-1680,"
Journal of Anthropological Research
52 (1990): 161-84.
For the Taos deity of death, see E. C. Parsons,
Taos Pueblo
(General Series in Anthropology, no. 2, 1936), p. 110. A deity of disease is discussed in Parsons,
Pueblo Indian Religion
, vol. 2, p. 938. For a linkage of sociopolitical and religious leadership among the Pueblos, see Riley,
Rio del Norte
, pp. 125-29, 261. In my comments on twentieth-century missionaries, I do not mean to issue a blanket criticism, for there are innovative and progressive individuals and groups. One excellent example of religious broad-mindedness from the Southwest is the painting of Zuni mythological scenes in the old Franciscan mission church at Zuni Pueblo (see Riley,
Zuni
, pp. 142-43).
For Rio Grande and Pecos River Pueblo towns occupied in 1680, see Hackett and Shelby,
Revolt
, vol. 1, pp. xxix-xlix. For the Zuni, consult Crampton,
Zunis
, pp. 36-39; see also T. J. Ferguson, "The Emergence of Modern Zuni Culture and Society,"
Protohistoric Period
, Wilcox and Masse, eds., pp. 336-53. The quotes about Zuni governance can be found on p. 346. For Hopis, see I. A. Leonard, trans.,
The Mercurio volante of Don Carlos de Sigiienza y Góngora
(Quivira Society, Los Angeles, vol. 3, 1932). Information on Hopi can be found on pp. 80-88. The 1693 Spanish text for this Hopi visit is reproduced on pp. 118-28 (fols. 13-18 in the original text). See also M. J. Espinosa, ed. and trans.,
First Expedition of Vargas into New Mexico, 1692
(University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, 1940); see also Kessell and Hendricks,
By Force of Arms
, esp. pp. 611-16. Kessell and Hendricks also speculate (9-11) on the continuity of native war leaders into the Spanish era. For a count of Piro Pueblos, see Marshall and Walt,
Rio Abajo
, pp. 245-56; see also A. C. Earls, "Raiding, Trading, and Population Reduction among the Piro Pueblos, A.D. 1540-1680,"
Current Research on the Late Prehistory and Early History of New Mexico
(B. J. Vierra, ed., New Mexico Archaeological Council, Albuquerque, Special Pub. 1, 1992), pp. 11-19. For Spanish influence, or lack of it, in Pueblo archaeological sites that date from the seventeenth century, see Ferguson,
Emergence
, pp. 364-65; and Ferguson,
Historic Zuni Architecture
, 116-21. For material used in the Hawikuh mission church, consult W. Smith, R. B. Woodbury, and N. F. S. Woodbury,
The Excavation of Hawikuh by Frederick Webb Hodge
(Contributions from the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, vol. 20, 1966), p. 104. For the situation at one Zuni town, consult an excellent paper by P. A. Gilman, ''Contact Period Puebloan Architecture: A Study of Culture Change at Hawikuh, New Mexico," (1978, copy in library, Laboratory of Anthropology, Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe). Comments on the late Zuni glazes can be found in B. J. Mills, ''The Organization of Protohistoric Zuni Ceramic
BOOK: Kachina and the Cross
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