How Dark the Night (21 page)

Regardless of his personal feelings, Seth recognized that the law was the law, pure and simple. As a warrant officer in the Royal Navy soon to take his lieutenant's exam, Seth Cutler was sworn to uphold British law and to defend the honor, sanctity, and dignity of His Majesty's empire. He would not waver from that oath.

Nine

Boston, Massachusetts

April 1807

“R
ICHARD
? Are you with us?”

The words were a distant echo barely penetrating the nightmare that had all but consumed Richard for nearly a week. Had duty not compelled his presence on Long Wharf, he would not have left her. Only his responsibility to his blood and bond had dragged him away. “Sorry, Jack,” he said with a forced laugh. “I took a side trip, there. I'm back now.” He shifted in his chair, aware of Jack Endicott's eyes upon him. The concern in those eyes was mirrored in those of Caleb Cutler, Agreen Crabtree, George Hunt, Hugh Hardcastle, and Richard's two sons, Will and Jamie. But he would offer no further explanation—neither to them nor to anyone else. Katherine had sworn him to secrecy. She had begged him to remain silent, and he would honor her plea.

“You're quite certain all is well?” Endicott persisted.

“Quite certain. Please continue. You were saying what about our agent in Washington?”

Endicott smiled wryly. “I introduced the subject of Mr. Shaw a few minutes ago, Richard. Perhaps I should start again from the beginning. This time around, I would appreciate everyone's full attention. The matter at hand is of considerable importance to us all.”

“You have my attention,” Richard said, unable to keep an edge from his voice.

“Very well, then. Here is the situation.” Endicott cleared his throat. “The Royal Navy has closed European ports to American shipping—unless we first trade through a British port and pay a substantial levy on
the goods we are intending to ship elsewhere. Unless we do what those meddling jackanapes tell us to do—meaning we do not attempt to trade directly with nations on the Continent—we run a considerable risk of having our merchantmen intercepted at sea, their cargoes confiscated, and our sailors impressed into the Royal Navy—even those who can substantiate American citizenship. That is bad enough, but thanks to our government's bungling efforts in dealing with England, we now run those same risks even if we
are
intending to trade through a British port. Mr. Hunt, if you would, please tell us how many of our merchantmen have been intercepted during the past twelve months?”

George Hunt made a show of consulting his notes, although he knew the tally by heart. “By the British, nine C&E vessels, Mr. Endicott,” Hunt quoted as if from Scripture, “and seven Cutler & Sons vessels. According to our agent in London, five of these vessels are currently being detained in England. We have yet to be informed of their disposition. Two other vessels are being detained on the Continent by the French: one in Lorient, the other in Rotterdam. One other C&E vessel remains unaccounted for. We calculate her last position to be somewhere between Ceylon and Madagascar. She put in to Calcutta as prescribed, but not to Cape Town—at least not at the time of our last report from there. She may have been taken by pirates, although that is not likely, given her armament. We fear she may have gone down with all hands in a storm.”

“Damn it all!” Endicott exploded. “Where is the profit in any of
that
? What
future
is there in
that
? If we cannot rely on our Orient trade to save us, we are indeed in dire straits.” His shrill voice revealed little concern for the sailors in his employ who were presumed lost at sea somewhere in the Indian Ocean. “The net result, gentlemen, is this: every time one of our vessels puts to sea, we stand to lose both the ship and her cargo, or at best to turn a profit that hardly justifies the business risks.” He held up a hand to forestall comments. “Yes, I realize there have
always
been risks in this business. But because of events in Europe these risks have never been greater than they are today.”

He huffed on with hardly a pause. “Napoléon has clearly made good on his promise to seize any American ship that dares to obey these British orders in council. This he can do, of course, only when an American ship sails into a port controlled by the French. Apart from French privateers operating on this side of the Atlantic, the French and Spanish navies have not posed much of a threat since Trafalgar. The British have what's left of those navies blockaded in Toulon, Brest, and Cádiz.

“So it's the
British
who control the sea lanes and it's the
British
to whom we are most vulnerable and with whom our government must parley. And parley it
must
,” he insisted. “England is
not
our enemy. Quite the opposite. If we are to survive, we must view England as our ally. I need not remind you gentlemen that the vast majority of our country's exports either go
to
Britain or
through
Britain. And most of our imports come
from
Britain. So for all intents and purposes, without British trade and succor American merchants are rudderless—and in dire peril of financial ruin.”

Everyone present—everyone along Long Wharf and along every wharf on the Eastern Seaboard—had heard such statements before. Endicott, Richard understood, was simply offering a preamble to the real reason he and Caleb Cutler had summoned the principals of Cutler & Sons and C&E Enterprises to the countinghouse this morning. He waited for Endicott to continue.

“It's becoming nigh impossible,” Endicott said in a voice laced with indignation, “for an honest merchant to make an honest profit—or
any
profit, for that matter—because of what other countries are doing
to
us and because of what our government is
not
doing
for
us. And we haven't yet mentioned the catastrophic effects of the sky-high insurance rates on our cargoes. As Mr. Hunt will attest, those rates are bleeding our coffers dry. And there can be no doubt that they will only go higher in the weeks and months ahead.”

George Hunt nodded grimly.

“So, my friends,” Endicott summed up, “here is where we stand: the vast profits you and I and other New England shipping families have earned in recent years are in serious danger of going by the boards. When war broke out in Europe after the Peace of Amiens, we seized the initiative. We increased exports to Europe tenfold. The Danes, the Russians, the Dutch, the Neapolitans: everyone in Europe was eager to buy what we had to sell, regardless of where our cargoes originated and regardless of the price we charged. As a result, the United States has become the largest neutral carrier of goods in the world, despite the best efforts by the British and the French to cripple the competition and to destroy the principle of free trade we Americans hold so dear. These past few years, however . . .” He shook his head and then continued woefully, “Gentlemen, when all is said and done, despite the challenges and threats we have had to endure, I fear we may look back on these past few years as our glory years.”

Moments of silence ensued before Richard, accustomed to Endicott's flair for the dramatic, spoke up: “And your point is, Jack?”

Endicott studied him. “My point, Richard,” he said softly, “is that today our situation is quite different from what it was yesterday. You have studied the books. You have seen our financial position. Not so much glory, eh? Gives you pause, does it not? Well, listen carefully, my friend—listen carefully, all of you—because what I am about to tell you will make all that seem petty. If what Bruce Shaw,” referring to the company's agent in Washington, “is telling us is true—and we have every reason to trust his word—the sum total of what we have experienced in recent months will seem like child's play in comparison to what is coming. Like a summer walk on a Cape Cod beach.”

Endicott's pause for effect was hardly necessary.

“Is Mr. Shaw predicting war?” Will asked incredulously. He could imagine no other possibility given the ominous tones of his father-in-law's words.

Endicott shook his head. “Mr. Shaw is not predicting anything, Will,” he said. “His commission is to report the facts of what he has witnessed in Washington either with his own eyes and ears or through the eyes and ears of those in positions of power whom he trusts, and who trust him in return. This sort of information is what we pay him for—rather handsomely, I might add. No,” he went on, “I am the one doing the predicting here. And what I am predicting is indeed war. But it will not be the sort of war you are imagining.
This
war will not be fought against Great Britain or France or any other country. No,
this
war will be fought against ourselves—more precisely, it will be fought against our own government.”

Silence fell like a guillotine on the chamber. Richard glanced at Agreen—who as senior ship's master in the Cutler & Sons merchant fleet had both a personal and a financial stake in these proceedings—and then at Hugh Hardcastle, whose perspectives on English maritime law and Royal Navy operations had already proven invaluable to the family businesses. Hardcastle was also a man who was not afraid to speak his mind whatever the ramifications. For that attribute alone his counsel was widely respected, if not always appreciated.

Richard's gaze drifted back to Endicott. “I'm afraid I don't understand, Jack.
Who
is making war on our government?”

“In a sense, people like us. Please hear me out,” Endicott said. “What I am saying is simply a summation of the inevitable consequence of what Mr. Shaw reported to me and Caleb yesterday in a special communiqué from Washington.”

“And that communiqué states . . .?”

“That communiqué states that Mr. Jefferson, with Mr. Madison's ardent support, intends to respond to what he perceives as atrocities against American maritime rights by imposing a worldwide trade embargo. Such an embargo, I need not tell you, would effectively close down American commerce overseas, and even to Canada.” He looked about the room, pleased to have the rapt attention of everyone present.

“Yes, I see those words have made an impression on you. I'm glad they have. Now you better understand the gravity of our situation and the reason we are gathered here today. Should Congress ever approve such an embargo, even our China trade will be affected. And
there
, my friends, is where we make our
real
profit. I lost no time writing Mr. Van der Heyden at our office in Java to inform him of the situation. I can only imagine
his
reaction when he receives my letter.
Any
businessman with a sound mind would be appalled by this.”

The men seated in the room remained silent until Agreen Crabtree asked the obvious question: “Why in God's holy name would Jefferson do such a thing? It'll cripple the economy.”

“The president's reasoning is quite simple,” Endicott replied, “as, unfortunately, are many of the thoughts that pass through his brain. It seems that Mr. Jefferson and his secretary of state adhere to the principle of economic coercion. If the United States stops trade with Europe and with European colonies, he believes, then the powers-that-be—in England, France, and elsewhere—will buckle under to our demands for free trade and an end to impressment. Jefferson actually believes that they will allow such demands to be rammed down their throats.”

Hugh Hardcastle threw up his hands in disgust. “If Mr. Jefferson believes that,” he scoffed, “then the man truly
is
the bloody idiot you Federalists contend he is. He is naïve beyond belief. Great Britain will survive quite handily, thank you very much, without American trade. And His Majesty's government will soon find other customers for Britain's exports. Those soon-to-be liberated Dago Indians in South America are perfect examples, and I can think of many more.
My
opinion? Not only will Great Britain survive an American embargo, she will flourish as a result of it. British merchants will be only too pleased to fill the void, and they will happily sing a sea chantey as they waltz their way to the Old Lady of Threadneedle Street,” referring to the popular term for the Bank of England.

“
Exactly
, Hugh,” Endicott heartily agreed. “That is my thinking to the letter. We should be seeking ways to mollify the British—to work
with
them, not
against
them. We most definitely should not be seeking ways to
antagonize them. Imagine the effects of a trade embargo on this country! Our carrying trade is the lifeblood of our economy, and here we have a president who seeks to sever that artery and watch the lifeblood spill out. Mark my words well: if Congress approves this embargo, it is not only the New England shipping families who will suffer. Without trade to England and her colonies, where do southerners sell their cotton? Where do westerners sell their furs? All Americans, regardless of where they live or what politics and religion they happen to fancy, will be reduced to selling goods and services to each other. And damn few of us will have the money to purchase anything from anyone, anywhere. This policy would ruin us.
Ruin
us, I say.” Endicott's tone had risen in pitch at the onset of his spiel, but by its end had plummeted to tones of utter despondency.

Jamie Cutler asked, “Just how imminent is this embargo, Mr. Endicott? And how much support in Washington does Mr. Shaw believe the president has?” He had a personal stake in asking those questions. If an embargo were to be enacted into law, it would fall to the U.S. Navy and a handful of revenue cutters to enforce that law.