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80
.
Oscar Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon in 1803
,
being the despatches of Lord Witworth and others
(London, 1887), p. 17; Peter A. Lloyd,
The French Are Coming: The Invasion Scare
of 1803–5
(Tunbridge Wells, 1991), p. 16.
81
.
Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon in 1803
, p. 190.
82
.
See, for example,
Corr.
n. 6743 (13 May 1803).
83
.
On Bonaparte’s version of events see
Corr.
viii. nos. 6630 and 6636 (13 and 16 March 1803). See Grainger,
The
Amiens Truce
, pp. 174–6.
84
.
Bury and Barry (eds),
An Englishman in Paris
, pp. 93–4.
85
.
Papers Relative to the Discussion with France in 1802 and 1803
(London, 1803), pp. 133–5; Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon in 1803
, pp. 117–20; Kagan,
The End of the Old Order
, p. 43. It is nonsense, however, to suggest, as does Lentz,
Grand Consulat
, p. 467, that Bonaparte fell into a trap laid for him by the British.
86
.
Greig (ed.),
The Farington Diary
, ii. pp. 136–7.
87
.
Petr Ivanovich Bartenev (ed.),
Arkhiv kniazia Vorontsova
, 40 vols (Moscow, 1870–95), xx. pp. 119–21; Morkov, 4/16 March 1803, in
Sbornik Imperatorskogo russkogo istoricheskogo obschestva
, 148 vols (Petersburg, 1867–1916), lxxvii. pp. 63–8. On Morkov’s reactions see A. W. Ward and G. p. Gooch,
The Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy, 1783–1919
, 3 vols (Cambridge, 1922–3), i. p. 319.
88
.
On this point see Stuart Woolf, ‘French Civilization and Ethnicity in the Napoleonic Empire’,
Past & Present
, 124 (1989), 96–120.
89
.
There were rumours to that effect in Paris as early as July/August 1802 (AN F7 3830, 13 and 30 thermidor an X (1 and 18 August 1802)).
90
.
For a summary of the conditions leading to the breakdown of peace in 1802–3 see Conrad Gill, ‘The Relations between England and France in 1802’,
English Historical Review
, 24 (1909), 61–78; Albert Sorel,
L’Europe et la Révolution française
, 9 vols (Paris, 1885–1991), vi. pp. 266–300; Schroeder,
Transformation of European Politics
, pp. 231–45; Grainger,
The Amiens Truce
.
91
.
Although it was not until 1803 that Bonaparte became the ‘Mediator’ of the Swiss Republic. See Gray, ‘Revolutionism as Revisionism’, pp. 128–9; Georges Andrey, ‘L’Acte de médiation du 19 février 1803 porte-il bien son nom?’, in Alain-Jacques Czouz-Tornare (ed.),
Quand Napoléon Bonaparte recréa la Suisse: la genèse et la mise en oeuvre de l’Acte de médiation, aspects des relations franco-suisses autour de 1803
(Paris, 2005), pp. 15–39.
92
.
Simon Schama,
Patriots and Liberators: Revolution in the Netherlands 1780–1813
(London, 1992), pp. 399–409, 410–19.
93
.
Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon in 1803
, pp. 16–19. These fears were fuelled by the departure of Colonel Horace Sébastiani for the Middle East in September 1802 to make sure that the British complied with the Treaty of Amiens and withdrew from Egypt. On his return to Paris, he submitted a report to Bonaparte, made public in the
Moniteur universel
, 10 pluviôse an XI (30 January 1803), in which he claimed that 6,000 troops could easily retake Egypt. On this see
Corr.
viii. nos. 6276 and 6308 (29 August and 5 September 1802); p. Coquelle, ‘La mission de Sébastiani à Constantinople’,
Revue d’histoire diplomatique
, 17 (1903), 438–55; Jean-Tiburce de Mesmay,
Horace Sébastiani, soldat, diplomate, homme d’Etat, maréchal de France, 1772–1851
(Paris, 1948), pp. 42–50; Simon Burrows, ‘Culture and Misperception: The Law and the Press in the Outbreak of War in 1803’,
International History Review
, 18 (1996), 811.
94
.
See Alfred Dufour, ‘D’une médiation à l’autre’, in Alfred Dufour, Till Hanisch and Victor Monnier (eds),
Bonaparte, la Suisse et l’Europe
(Geneva, 2003), pp. 7–37; and Mario Turchetti (ed.),
La Suisse de la médiation dans l’Europe napoléonienne (1803–1814)
(Fribourg, 2005).
95
.
Thomas M. Iiams,
Peacemaking from Vergennes to Napoleon: French Foreign Relations in the Revolutionary Era, 1774–1814
(Huntington, NY, 1979), p. 67, asserts that the Foreign Office records show the British were thinking about retaining Malta
before
Bonaparte annexed Piedmont.
96
.
Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon
, pp. 52–3, 95–6; Yorke,
France in Eighteen Hundred and Two
, p. 120; Bourrienne,
Mémoires
, iv. pp. 305–7. Bonaparte appointed a secretary by the name of Nettement to translate articles from the English press (cited in Gill, ‘The Relations between England and France’, 63). On the press and Bonaparte see Simon Burrows, ‘The Struggle for European Opinion in the Napoleonic Wars: British Francophone Propaganda, 1803–14’,
French History
, 11 (1997), 33–5; and Simon Burrows, ‘The French Emigré Press, 1789–1814: A Study in Impotence?’, in David W. Lovell (ed.),
Revolution, Politics and Society: Elements in the Making of Modern France
(Canberra, 1994), pp. 31–9; Grainger,
The
Amiens Truce
, pp. 146–50.
97
.
Hélène Maspero-Clerc,
Un journaliste contre-révolutionnaire, Jean-Gabriel Peltier, 1760–1825
(Paris, 1973), p. 148.
98
.
Morning Post,
1 February 1803.
99
.
Fedorak,
Henry Addington
, p. 113; Burrows, ‘Culture and Misperception’, 808.
 
100
. Maspero-Clerc,
Un journaliste contre-révolutionnaire
, pp. 159–68; Simon Burrows,
French Exile Journalism and European Politics, 1792–1814
(Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 114–26.
 
101
. Fedorak,
Henry Addington
, p. 114.
 
102
. On the English press during the Revolution see Lucyle Werkmeister,
The London Daily Press, 1772–1792
(Lincoln, 1963), pp. 317–79. On freedom of the press see Arthur Aspinall,
Politics and the Press, c. 1780–1850
(London, 1949), pp. 33–65. On the expulsion of pro-French journalists see Burrow, ‘The War of Words’, 51.
 
103
. Burrows,
French Exile Journalism
, pp. 107–8; Burrows, ‘Culture and Misperception’, 818. The sentiment is echoed by Gill, ‘The Relations between England and France’, 63–5, 66, who suggests that Bonaparte went to war, despite advice from his ministers, because he was irritated by the personal attacks against him in the English press. It prompted Talleyrand to say that if peace failed it was because of the little regard shown for Bonaparte’s amour-propre
(Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon
, p. 266).
 
104
. Anglophobia had been rampant in France for a very long time. See Frances Acomb,
Anglophobia in France, 1763–1789: An Essay in the History of Constitutionalism and Nationalism
(Durham, NC, 1950), pp. 89–123; Norman Hampson,
The Perfidy of Albion: French Perceptions of England during the French Revolution
(New York, 1998); Jean-Paul Bertaud, Alan Forrest and Annie Jourdan,
Napoléon
,
le monde
,
et les Anglais: guerre des mots et des images
(Paris, 2004), pp. 13–29; Jean Guiffan,
Histoire de l’anglophobie en France: de Jeanne d’Arc à la vache folle
(Rennes, 2004), pp. 89–104; Bertaud,
Quand les enfants parlaient de gloire
, pp. 203–47. On Anglo-French relations in general see Robert and Isabelle Tombs,
That Sweet Enemy: The French and the British from the Sun King to the Present
(London, 2006), esp. chs 5 and 6.
 
105
. Browning (ed.),
England and Napoleon
, pp. 192–6.
 
106
. Grainger,
The
Amiens Truce
, p. 188.

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