Carthage Must Be Destroyed (73 page)
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Authors: Richard Miles
41
Livy 39.51.
Livy 39.51.
43
Ibid. 21.1.
Ibid. 21.1.
44
De Beer 1969, 291.
De Beer 1969, 291.
45
Cornelius Nepos
Hann
. 13.2. For the outrages committed by the Romans, particularly against the Galatians, see Polybius 21.38; Livy 38.24.
Cornelius Nepos
Hann
. 13.2. For the outrages committed by the Romans, particularly against the Galatians, see Polybius 21.38; Livy 38.24.
46
Brizzi 1984b, 87–102; Momigliano 1977, 41.
Brizzi 1984b, 87–102; Momigliano 1977, 41.
47
For an account of the Scipios’ legal difficulties see Scullard 1970, 219–24.
For an account of the Scipios’ legal difficulties see Scullard 1970, 219–24.
48
See Levick 1982, 57–8, for the wider context of the tension between individual ambition and equality within the Roman Senate after the Second Punic War.
CHAPTER 14: THE DESOLATION OF CARTHAGESee Levick 1982, 57–8, for the wider context of the tension between individual ambition and equality within the Roman Senate after the Second Punic War.
1
Livy 36.4.8.
Livy 36.4.8.
2
Greene 1986, 109–16.
Greene 1986, 109–16.
3
Livy 31.19.2.
Livy 31.19.2.
4
Ibid. 36.4.5–9.
Ibid. 36.4.5–9.
5
Ibid. 43.6.11.
Ibid. 43.6.11.
6
Morel 1982, 1986; Lancel 1995, 406–8; Bechtold 2007, 53–4.
Morel 1982, 1986; Lancel 1995, 406–8; Bechtold 2007, 53–4.
7
Bechtold 2007, 53–4, 66–7; Lancel 1995, 408–9. This view of Carthaginian renewed prosperity as built on agriculture and trade is confirmed by Appian (8.10.67).
Bechtold 2007, 53–4, 66–7; Lancel 1995, 408–9. This view of Carthaginian renewed prosperity as built on agriculture and trade is confirmed by Appian (8.10.67).
8
Crawford 1985, 72.
Crawford 1985, 72.
9
Visonà 1998, 20–22; Crawford 1985, 136–8. Crawford argues that Carthage’s last two issues of pure silver coinage were the result of its economic renaissance, whereas Visonà views them as the money that the Carthaginians had to mint to meet their war expenses at the outbreak of the Third Punic War.
Visonà 1998, 20–22; Crawford 1985, 136–8. Crawford argues that Carthage’s last two issues of pure silver coinage were the result of its economic renaissance, whereas Visonà views them as the money that the Carthaginians had to mint to meet their war expenses at the outbreak of the Third Punic War.
10
Appian 8.14.96.
Appian 8.14.96.
11
For an extensive study of this harbour see Hurst 1994, 15–51.
For an extensive study of this harbour see Hurst 1994, 15–51.
12
Lancel 1995, 181–2.
Lancel 1995, 181–2.
13
Ibid., 180.
Ibid., 180.
14
Hurst & Stager 1978, 341–2.
Hurst & Stager 1978, 341–2.
15
Appian 8.10.68.
Appian 8.10.68.
16
For the sanctuary at El Hofra, see Berthier & Charlier 1952–5, II.
For the sanctuary at El Hofra, see Berthier & Charlier 1952–5, II.
17
Rakob 1979, 132–66. Others include the Medracen, the mausoleum of the Massylian royal dynasty, near Batna, and the funerary monument built for their Massaesylian counterparts at their capital of Siga.
Rakob 1979, 132–66. Others include the Medracen, the mausoleum of the Massylian royal dynasty, near Batna, and the funerary monument built for their Massaesylian counterparts at their capital of Siga.
18
However, it had to be heavily restored after being all but demolished during the nineteenth century by the British consul at Tunis, who was anxious to get his hands on the bilingual Libyan and Punic inscriptions (Lancel 1995, 307).
However, it had to be heavily restored after being all but demolished during the nineteenth century by the British consul at Tunis, who was anxious to get his hands on the bilingual Libyan and Punic inscriptions (Lancel 1995, 307).
19
Ibid. 307–9.
Ibid. 307–9.
20
Alexandropoulos 1992, 143–7; Visonà 1998, 22; Crawford 1985, 140.
Alexandropoulos 1992, 143–7; Visonà 1998, 22; Crawford 1985, 140.
21
Polybius 36.16.7–8; Appian 8.16.106.
Polybius 36.16.7–8; Appian 8.16.106.
22
Livy 43.3.5–7.
Livy 43.3.5–7.
23
Leigh 2004, 28–37.
Leigh 2004, 28–37.
24
Arnott 1996, 284–7.
Arnott 1996, 284–7.
25
Franko 1996, 439–40, 442, 444. Many of the observations that follow are taken from this particular study.
Franko 1996, 439–40, 442, 444. Many of the observations that follow are taken from this particular study.
27
Franko 1996, 429–30.
Franko 1996, 429–30.
29
Gratwick 1971; Adams 2003, 204–5.
Gratwick 1971; Adams 2003, 204–5.
32
Franko 1996, 445.
Franko 1996, 445.
33
Clark 2007, 96–7. For the same prejudices in Plautus’ broader canon see Leigh 2004, 23–56.
Clark 2007, 96–7. For the same prejudices in Plautus’ broader canon see Leigh 2004, 23–56.
34
Errington 1971, 202–12 (quote = 210); Harris 1979, 227–33.
Errington 1971, 202–12 (quote = 210); Harris 1979, 227–33.
35
Errington 1971, 260–62.
Errington 1971, 260–62.
36
Diodorus 32.4.4–5.
Diodorus 32.4.4–5.
37
Ibid. 32.5.
Ibid. 32.5.
38
Polybius 31.21; Livy 34.62. I agree with Lancel (1995, 411) that Polybius’ account and dating of this episode are to be favoured.
Polybius 31.21; Livy 34.62. I agree with Lancel (1995, 411) that Polybius’ account and dating of this episode are to be favoured.
39
Polybius 31.21.7–8.
Polybius 31.21.7–8.
40
Livy 34.62.9–10.
Livy 34.62.9–10.
41
Ibid. 34.62.11–14.
Ibid. 34.62.11–14.
42
Lancel 1999, 178, for the ambiguity of the terms.
Lancel 1999, 178, for the ambiguity of the terms.
43
Appian 8.10.68–9.
Appian 8.10.68–9.
44
For Cato’s hounding of the Scipios see Scullard 1970, 186–9, 210–24.
For Cato’s hounding of the Scipios see Scullard 1970, 186–9, 210–24.
46
Appian 8.10.69.
Appian 8.10.69.
50
Ibid. 27.1.
Ibid. 27.1.
51
Baronowski 1995, 27–8; Lancel 1995, 277–8. See also the comments of Pliny (
NH
15.76) on how Carthage ‘was destroyed by the testimony of one piece of fruit’.
Baronowski 1995, 27–8; Lancel 1995, 277–8. See also the comments of Pliny (
NH
15.76) on how Carthage ‘was destroyed by the testimony of one piece of fruit’.
53
Diodorus 34/35.33.5.
Diodorus 34/35.33.5.
55
Polybius 36.2; Appian 8.10.69.
Polybius 36.2; Appian 8.10.69.
56
Appian 8.10.68.
Appian 8.10.68.
57
Ibid. 8.10.70–73.
Ibid. 8.10.70–73.
59
Adcock 1946, 120.
Adcock 1946, 120.
60
Harris 1979, 54–104.
Harris 1979, 54–104.
62
Baronowski 1995, 28–9. For the attack on Carthage as related to the rise of Numidian power, and the forthcoming succession of Masinissa, see also Adcock 1946, 119; Vogel-Weidemann 1989, 85.
Baronowski 1995, 28–9. For the attack on Carthage as related to the rise of Numidian power, and the forthcoming succession of Masinissa, see also Adcock 1946, 119; Vogel-Weidemann 1989, 85.
63
Appian 8.11.74.
Appian 8.11.74.
65
Rhetorica ad Herennium
4.14.20; Quintilian
Or. Ed
. 9.3.31. See Baronowski 1995, 24–5, n. 22, for a discussion of its context.
Rhetorica ad Herennium
4.14.20; Quintilian
Or. Ed
. 9.3.31. See Baronowski 1995, 24–5, n. 22, for a discussion of its context.
66
See Cornell’s (1996) convincing thesis that Brunt (1971, 269–77) seriously underestimates the damage that the war inflicted in southern Italy.
See Cornell’s (1996) convincing thesis that Brunt (1971, 269–77) seriously underestimates the damage that the war inflicted in southern Italy.
67
Scheid & Svenbro 1985, 334–8; Cicero
Nat. Gods
2.61. For the suspected influence of Timaeus on Cato see Astin 1978, 228–9.
Scheid & Svenbro 1985, 334–8; Cicero
Nat. Gods
2.61. For the suspected influence of Timaeus on Cato see Astin 1978, 228–9.
68
Aulus Gellius 10.1.10.
Aulus Gellius 10.1.10.
69
Appian 8.11.76.
Appian 8.11.76.
70
Ibid. 8.11.78–8.12.81.
Ibid. 8.11.78–8.12.81.
71
Lancel 1995, 413.
Lancel 1995, 413.
72
Appian 8.12.81–5.
Appian 8.12.81–5.
73
Ibid. 8.12.86–9.
Ibid. 8.12.86–9.
74
Ibid. 8.13.90–93.
Ibid. 8.13.90–93.
75
Visonà 1998, 22.
Visonà 1998, 22.
76
Lancel 1995, 156–72.
Lancel 1995, 156–72.
77
Mezzolani 1999, 108–16.
Mezzolani 1999, 108–16.
78
Lancel 1995, 158–9.
Lancel 1995, 158–9.
79
Ibid., 415–19.
Ibid., 415–19.
80
Appian 8.13.94–8.16.110.
Appian 8.13.94–8.16.110.
81
For the early career of Scipio Aemilianus see Astin 1967, 12–61.
For the early career of Scipio Aemilianus see Astin 1967, 12–61.
82
Ibid., 62–9.
Ibid., 62–9.
83
Appian 8.16.110–8.18.117.
Appian 8.16.110–8.18.117.
85
Appian 8.18.117–21.
Appian 8.18.117–21.
86
Ibid. 8.18.122–3.
Ibid. 8.18.122–3.
87
Ibid. 8.18.124–6.
Ibid. 8.18.124–6.
88
Polybius 38.7.1–38.8.10.
Polybius 38.7.1–38.8.10.
89
Ibid. 38.8.13.
Ibid. 38.8.13.
90
Ibid. 38.8.7, 38.8.11–12.
Ibid. 38.8.7, 38.8.11–12.
91
Appian 8.18.118.
Appian 8.18.118.
92
For a succinct account of Polybius’ life see Champion 2004, 15–18.
For a succinct account of Polybius’ life see Champion 2004, 15–18.
94
Harris 1979, 240–44, who sees it as yet another diplomatic incident largely provoked by the Roman Senate. Errington (1971, 236–40) lays much of the culpability on the inexperience and impetuosity of the new leadership of the Achaean League.
Harris 1979, 240–44, who sees it as yet another diplomatic incident largely provoked by the Roman Senate. Errington (1971, 236–40) lays much of the culpability on the inexperience and impetuosity of the new leadership of the Achaean League.
96
Although there is no evidence of large-scale Roman appropriation of Carthaginian territory for over twenty years after the destruction of the city, it has been pointed out that an in-depth survey of the land began almost immediately: see Wightman 1980, 34–6.
Although there is no evidence of large-scale Roman appropriation of Carthaginian territory for over twenty years after the destruction of the city, it has been pointed out that an in-depth survey of the land began almost immediately: see Wightman 1980, 34–6.
97
Purcell 1995, 133.
Purcell 1995, 133.
99
Purcell 1995, 134–5. For the half-heartedness of later Roman apologia for the fate of Carthage see ibid., 145–6.
Purcell 1995, 134–5. For the half-heartedness of later Roman apologia for the fate of Carthage see ibid., 145–6.
100
Ibid., 143.
Ibid., 143.
101
In many ways Cato would build on the historiographical foundations laid by Fabius Pictor. He would also follow the myth of Aeneas and the Trojan origins of the Romans (Gruen 1992, 33–4).
In many ways Cato would build on the historiographical foundations laid by Fabius Pictor. He would also follow the myth of Aeneas and the Trojan origins of the Romans (Gruen 1992, 33–4).
102
Astin 1978, 217.
Astin 1978, 217.
103
Ibid., 227–31. Despite his legendary contempt for some aspects of Greek culture, Cato appears to have followed the model of Timaeus in this respect, although with one important difference. Whereas the Sicilian Greek had sought to place Italy and Rome within a wider central-Mediterranean context, Cato wished to highlight the centrality of Rome to Italy.
Ibid., 227–31. Despite his legendary contempt for some aspects of Greek culture, Cato appears to have followed the model of Timaeus in this respect, although with one important difference. Whereas the Sicilian Greek had sought to place Italy and Rome within a wider central-Mediterranean context, Cato wished to highlight the centrality of Rome to Italy.
104
Astin 1978, 213–16.
Astin 1978, 213–16.
105
Aulus Gellius 10.1.10.
Aulus Gellius 10.1.10.
106
Feeney 1991, 99.
Feeney 1991, 99.
107
Goldberg 1995, 52.
Goldberg 1995, 52.
108
Gruen 1990, 92–106; Goldberg 1995, 32–6.
Gruen 1990, 92–106; Goldberg 1995, 32–6.
109
On the biographies and work of Naevius and Ennius see Gruen 1990, 106–22; Goldberg 1995, 114–22; Jocelyn 1972, 991–9.
On the biographies and work of Naevius and Ennius see Gruen 1990, 106–22; Goldberg 1995, 114–22; Jocelyn 1972, 991–9.
110
Such is the intertwining of myth and recent events in the work of Naevius that it has been suggested that a famous section describing a battle between giants and heroes was in fact a description of a frieze on the eastern pediment of the temple of Zeus at Acragas in Sicily (Fraenkel 1954, 14–16; Feeney 1991, 118).
Such is the intertwining of myth and recent events in the work of Naevius that it has been suggested that a famous section describing a battle between giants and heroes was in fact a description of a frieze on the eastern pediment of the temple of Zeus at Acragas in Sicily (Fraenkel 1954, 14–16; Feeney 1991, 118).
111
Wigodsky 1972, 29–34, for a discussion of what role Dido may have played in Naevius’ epic. The fiction of Rome as an established and venerable central-Mediterranean power was further aided by the historical conceit of transforming Romulus, the founder of Rome, into the grandson of Aeneas: see Goldberg 1995, 95–6.
Wigodsky 1972, 29–34, for a discussion of what role Dido may have played in Naevius’ epic. The fiction of Rome as an established and venerable central-Mediterranean power was further aided by the historical conceit of transforming Romulus, the founder of Rome, into the grandson of Aeneas: see Goldberg 1995, 95–6.
112
Feeney 1991, 109–10.
Feeney 1991, 109–10.
113
In Ennius this is confirmed by the testimony of Servius
Aen
. 1.281 (Feeney 1991, 126–7), whereas in Naevius it is merely suspected (ibid., 116–17). Certainly, Rome’s increasing political and military involvement in Greece and the Hellenistic East during the late third and early decades of the second century BC had played its part, for the Roman senatorial elite sought to explain not only the extraordinary success that they had enjoyed, but also their relations with the wider Hellenic community (Gruen 1990, 121–3; Goldberg 1995, 56–7).
In Ennius this is confirmed by the testimony of Servius
Aen
. 1.281 (Feeney 1991, 126–7), whereas in Naevius it is merely suspected (ibid., 116–17). Certainly, Rome’s increasing political and military involvement in Greece and the Hellenistic East during the late third and early decades of the second century BC had played its part, for the Roman senatorial elite sought to explain not only the extraordinary success that they had enjoyed, but also their relations with the wider Hellenic community (Gruen 1990, 121–3; Goldberg 1995, 56–7).
114
Feeney 1991, 109–10.
Feeney 1991, 109–10.
115
Goldberg 1995, 162, n. 5. Feeney (1991, 110 n. 58) also entertains the idea that Naevius wrote it after the end of the Second Punic War.
Goldberg 1995, 162, n. 5. Feeney (1991, 110 n. 58) also entertains the idea that Naevius wrote it after the end of the Second Punic War.
116
Jocelyn 1972, 997–9.
Jocelyn 1972, 997–9.
117
Ibid., 1006. Ennius, out of respect for Naevius, wrote very little about the First Punic War, even though he also appears to have been dismissive of Naevius’ literary talents (ibid., 1013–14).
Ibid., 1006. Ennius, out of respect for Naevius, wrote very little about the First Punic War, even though he also appears to have been dismissive of Naevius’ literary talents (ibid., 1013–14).
118
Aulus Gellius 6.12.7 (E. Warmington 1935, 270: 98–9); Paulus 439.7 (E. Warmington 1935, 282: 104–5); Festus Rufus Avienus 324.15 (E. Warmington 1935, 237: 84–5). Later writers would recognize Ennius as being strongly partisan, particularly in downplaying the disasters that were suffered by the Romans (Cicero
Pomp
. 25).
CHAPTER 15: PUNIC FAITHAulus Gellius 6.12.7 (E. Warmington 1935, 270: 98–9); Paulus 439.7 (E. Warmington 1935, 282: 104–5); Festus Rufus Avienus 324.15 (E. Warmington 1935, 237: 84–5). Later writers would recognize Ennius as being strongly partisan, particularly in downplaying the disasters that were suffered by the Romans (Cicero
Pomp
. 25).
1
Appian 8.20.134; Orosius 4.23.5–7; Florus 4.12. Other sources claim that Scipio completely demolished the city (Velleius Paterculus 1.12; Eutropius 4.12;
De Vir. Illustr
. 58; Zonaras 9.26–30). However, archaeologists have discovered that some of Carthage was certainly still standing after the onslaught (Lancel 1995, 428–30). For Hasdrubal’s retirement see Eutropius 4.14.2; Zonaras 9.30; Orosius 4.23.7. For a general discussion of these references see Ridley 1986, 140–41.
Appian 8.20.134; Orosius 4.23.5–7; Florus 4.12. Other sources claim that Scipio completely demolished the city (Velleius Paterculus 1.12; Eutropius 4.12;
De Vir. Illustr
. 58; Zonaras 9.26–30). However, archaeologists have discovered that some of Carthage was certainly still standing after the onslaught (Lancel 1995, 428–30). For Hasdrubal’s retirement see Eutropius 4.14.2; Zonaras 9.30; Orosius 4.23.7. For a general discussion of these references see Ridley 1986, 140–41.
3
Appian 8.20.133. For other evidence of a form of curse being placed on the site to prevent its reoccupation see Cicero
Agr
. 1.2.5; Plutarch
C. Gracch
. 11; Appian
CW
1.24; Tertullian
De Pallio
1. On ploughing the ground and sowing it with salt see Modestinus, in Justinian
Dig
. 7.4.21; Stevens 1988, 39–40; Purcell 1995, 140–41. The surveying and reorganization of Carthage’s old territory = Wightman 1980, 34–6.
Appian 8.20.133. For other evidence of a form of curse being placed on the site to prevent its reoccupation see Cicero
Agr
. 1.2.5; Plutarch
C. Gracch
. 11; Appian
CW
1.24; Tertullian
De Pallio
1. On ploughing the ground and sowing it with salt see Modestinus, in Justinian
Dig
. 7.4.21; Stevens 1988, 39–40; Purcell 1995, 140–41. The surveying and reorganization of Carthage’s old territory = Wightman 1980, 34–6.
4
Appian 8.20.134.
Appian 8.20.134.
5
Bellen 1985.
Bellen 1985.
6
Polybius 6.9, 6.57; Champion 2004, 94–8. Walbank (2002, 206–8), while acknowledging the Polybian view that Rome’s decline was inevitable, in my view underplays the importance of this in Polybius’ general historical thesis. Indeed, Cato’s mention of Carthage’s mixed constitution in his
Origines
might well reflect that this was a position that he held (Servius
Aen
. 4.682). It was certainly a view held in Stoic philosophical circles a little later (Champion 2004, 96–7).
Polybius 6.9, 6.57; Champion 2004, 94–8. Walbank (2002, 206–8), while acknowledging the Polybian view that Rome’s decline was inevitable, in my view underplays the importance of this in Polybius’ general historical thesis. Indeed, Cato’s mention of Carthage’s mixed constitution in his
Origines
might well reflect that this was a position that he held (Servius
Aen
. 4.682). It was certainly a view held in Stoic philosophical circles a little later (Champion 2004, 96–7).
7
Polybius 6.51–2; Champion 2004, 117–21; Eckstein 1989.
Polybius 6.51–2; Champion 2004, 117–21; Eckstein 1989.
9
Lintott 1972.
Lintott 1972.
10
Appian
CW
1.3.24; Plutarch
C.Gracch
. 11; Orosius 5.12; Livy
Epitome
60. In 111 an agrarian law was passed that made provision for the North African public land but forbade any resettlement of the site of Carthage.
Appian
CW
1.3.24; Plutarch
C.Gracch
. 11; Orosius 5.12; Livy
Epitome
60. In 111 an agrarian law was passed that made provision for the North African public land but forbade any resettlement of the site of Carthage.
12
Plutarch
C. Gracch
. 17; Clark 2007, 133–4. Unsurprisingly, this building would long remain a symbol of the fragility of Roman political cohesiveness. It was an association that a talented political operator such as Marcus Cicero knew how to use to his own advantage. When in 63 BC, as consul, he chose the temple as the venue for the trials of those who had been involved in an unsuccessful
coup d’état
, Cicero, clearly wishing to distance his own actions from the bloody events that had prompted the temple’s construction, was careful to emphasize that his own successful attempt to defend Roman concord had not ended in terrible bloodshed, a clear reference to Opimius’ own purge. See Clark 2007, 172–6; Cicero
Cat
. 3.21; Sallust
Cat
. 9.2. Cicero would also use the temple as a place to launch a vitriolic attack on Mark Antony and the hypocrisy of his speech on concord after the murder of Caesar (Cicero
Phil
. 3.31, 5.20).
Plutarch
C. Gracch
. 17; Clark 2007, 133–4. Unsurprisingly, this building would long remain a symbol of the fragility of Roman political cohesiveness. It was an association that a talented political operator such as Marcus Cicero knew how to use to his own advantage. When in 63 BC, as consul, he chose the temple as the venue for the trials of those who had been involved in an unsuccessful
coup d’état
, Cicero, clearly wishing to distance his own actions from the bloody events that had prompted the temple’s construction, was careful to emphasize that his own successful attempt to defend Roman concord had not ended in terrible bloodshed, a clear reference to Opimius’ own purge. See Clark 2007, 172–6; Cicero
Cat
. 3.21; Sallust
Cat
. 9.2. Cicero would also use the temple as a place to launch a vitriolic attack on Mark Antony and the hypocrisy of his speech on concord after the murder of Caesar (Cicero
Phil
. 3.31, 5.20).
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