Authors: Roger Moorhouse
There they received food, ration cards and sympathy. The official
Wehrmacht report, released the following day, summed up the events:
‘In the night, British aircraft systematically attacked residential areas
of the Reich capital. High-explosive bombs and incendiaries brought
death and injury to numerous civilians and properties sustained roof
fires and damage.’16
Hidden within that report was a key admission: Berlin had witnessed
its first civilian deaths from aerial bombardment. In fact, as well as
the thirty or so who were injured, ten Berliners lost their lives that
night, with two more dying of their injuries in the following days.17
Four men and two women were killed on the street by flying debris.
Tragically, a young mother lost both her children after her home took
a taste of things to come
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a direct hit. She had gone down to the cellar alone, and had left the
children in their beds as she had not wanted to wake them.18
The German press was outraged, denouncing the RAF as ‘bandits’,19
and attacking Churchill for such a ‘dastardly act of cowardice’.20 Most
of their ire was directed at the fact that the British, while claiming to
have attacked military targets, had succeeded only in bombing a resi-
dential district. ‘The battle in France was too dangerous for [the RAF]’,
one newspaper editorial mocked, ‘so they flew to Germany and chose
non-military targets. Their bombs fell on hospitals and clinics, on resi-
dential suburbs, on farms, on cemeteries and churches, on Goethe’s
summer house in Weimar and on Bismarck’s mausoleum.’ It went on
to pillory the RAF for its ‘one-sided war’ on the German civilian popu-
lation, and its ‘cowardly and outrageous methods’ of dropping its
bombs ‘blindly’ on ‘women and children’.21 As the raids continued,
this theme would be one that the press would return to almost on a
daily basis. Ironically, perhaps, every news report that denounced such
actions by the RAF was surrounded by other articles listing which
‘military installations’ across Britain that the Luftwaffe had apparently
succeeded in hitting.
The political fallout was substantial, especially when the RAF
returned over three consecutive nights the following week. Hitler was
outraged, perceiving the raids as a calculated insult.22 In early September,
he took the opportunity of a speech at the Berlin Sportpalast, where
he had been scheduled to talk about the annual winter charity collec-
tion, to rage about British actions and threaten the most blood-curdling
revenge:
And should the Royal Air Force drop two thousand, or three thousand,
or four thousand kilograms of bombs, then we will now drop 150,000;
180,000; 230,000; 300,000; 400,000; yes one million kilograms in a single
night. And should they declare they will greatly increase their attacks
on our cities, then we will erase their cities!
We will put these night-time pirates out of business, so help us God!
The hour will come that one of us will break, and it will not be National
Socialist Germany.23
The day before this speech, in a quiet corner of the southern suburb
of Neukölln, four of the casualties from the Kottbusser Strasse raid had
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berlin at war
been laid to rest. In the St Jakobi Cemetery a ceremony was held with
both the Lord Mayor of Berlin, Julius Lippert, and the deputy Gauleiter
of Berlin, Artur Görlitzer, in attendance. An SA military band was also
present, along with honour guards from the police and the Hitler Youth
and the cemetery was bedecked with Nazi flags, wreaths and flaming
pylons.24 Defiant speeches were made and sombre faces were fixed.
For all the politicking and outrage, it would have been clear to
many Berliners that week that the war had entered a new phase. Not
only had British aircraft demonstrated their ability to reach the city,
but they had shown themselves able to bomb almost at will and take
the lives of Berlin’s civilians. The myth of the capital’s inviolability –
which had been shared by all sections of the city’s society – had been
irrevocably shattered.
William Shirer reported that the raids had made a considerable
impact:
The main effect of a week of constant British night bombings has
been to spread great disillusionment among the people here and sow
doubt in their minds. One said to me today: ‘I’ll never believe another
thing they say. If they’ve lied about the raids on the rest of Germany
as they have about the ones on Berlin, then it must have been pretty
bad there.’25
The official mood report of the SD arrived at essentially the same
conclusion:
The attacks on Berlin have aroused considerable interest across the
Reich, as people were wholly convinced that not a single aeroplane
could reach the city centre. The population is thereby reminded of
announcements, which claimed that enemy aircraft would be unable
to attack Berlin. However, as it has recently been shown that it is possible
for the English even to linger over the capital and drop their bombs,
without suffering appreciable losses, the expectations for the capital’s
defence have clearly not been fulfilled.26
Almost exactly a year into the conflict that Hitler had unleashed,
the war had come home to the German capital.
* * *
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143
After that debut, the raids continued into the autumn of 1940 and
quickly became a regular occurrence. The city was raided on average
four nights per week, but air raid alarms sounded almost nightly. Few
of its districts escaped attention. Many prominent sites were damaged,
including the Reichstag, Goebbels’ Propaganda Ministry, the criminal
courts at Moabit and the Palace at Charlottenburg. Industrial targets
hit included the Henschel works at Schönefeld, the Arado aircraft
factory at Babelsberg, Rheinmetall-Borsig at Tegel and Daimler-Benz
at Genshagen. Berlin Zoo also took a number of hits and, despite the
large letters ‘USA’ that had been painted across its roof, even the
American Embassy found itself under fire when a number of incen-
diaries fell in its gardens.
That September, the German capital was bombed nineteen times.
On the night of the 23rd, for example, over eighty RAF bombers
subjected Berlin to a four-hour alarm, which was only lifted shortly
after 3.00 a.m. Two days later, the bombers returned, this time
confining Berliners to their shelters for five hours. The attack, which
was concentrated on the city centre as well as Schöneberg and
Kreuzberg, damaged a hospital and numerous residential streets.
The bombing continued into October, with the city being hit four-
teen times that month. On the night of the 7th, the RAF arrived so
early over the German capital – soon after 10.00 p.m. – that the Berlin
public was in many cases caught out in the open, leaving the cinema
or returning late from work. According to one eyewitness, many
Berliners simply stood in the street, necks craned towards the sky,
where the searchlights had begun scanning the heavens and the distant
rumble of aero-engines could already be heard. ‘Look at that’, they
said in astonishment, ‘they are already here.’27
The raid that followed was one of the heaviest experienced so far,
with two hundred high explosives dropped as well as a huge number
of incendiaries. Among the targets hit were the Lehrter and Stettiner
stations, as well as the Robert Koch Hospital, the Lazarus Hospital, a
maternity clinic, a children’s hospital and a cemetery chapel.28 The
Propaganda Ministry had a field day.
Later that month, Goebbels himself toured those districts of southern
Berlin, mainly Schöneberg, Wilmersdorf and Steglitz, that had been most
grievously affected. Among his uniformed entourage, the Propaganda
Minister stood out in his white overcoat and matching fedora, as he spoke
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earnestly with officials and consoled civilians. Yet for all his smiles, his
encouragement and his sympathy for those bombed out, Goebbels was
worried. As he confided to his diary a few days later, on 26 October:
‘Report on morale from the [Sicherheitsdienst] . . . things are none too
rosy. We absolutely must do more to keep morale high. The continual
air raid alerts are making the people nervous. We must be careful.’29
In November, the frequency of the raids fell again, with the capital
being hit on only eight occasions, although a number of those raids
were substantial and the lengthening nights allowed the RAF to arrive
ever earlier over the city. On one occasion, 14 November, the raid
began before 9.00 p.m. and lasted for over four hours, damaging the
Schlesischer railway station as well as marshalling yards at Tempelhof
and Grunewald.30 As Goebbels noted in his diary, the destruction
wrought was ‘more serious than hitherto’.31 British losses were also
high and a number of aircraft were reported as crashing in the city
and its immediate hinterland.
The last raid of 1940 – on the night of 20–21 December – was also
a peculiarity. Where the British usually arrived over the city at around
midnight, on this occasion they surprised many by appearing shortly
before 5.00 a.m. Then, after the all-clear had been given, a second
wave of planes arrived – soon before 7.00 a.m. – thereby sending
bleary-eyed Berliners scuttling down into their cellars once again. The
raids concentrated on the area of Alexanderplatz, as well as Wedding
and the Lustgarten. In the process, the Arsenal, the Protestant cathe-
dral and a number of museums were damaged.32
After a short hiatus in the early months of 1941, the raids resumed
in March with sporadic attacks over the central areas of the city, which
continued into the summer, but without the intensity or frequency
that had been experienced in the autumn and winter of 1940. Indeed,
in the second half of that year, RAF activity over the German capital
dwindled almost to nothing. Though Berlin was occasionally over-
flown, and leaflets were still dropped, it was subjected to only a handful
of serious raids.
The precise numbers of Berliners killed during the opening phase
of the air war cannot be ascertained precisely, but some salient events
can nonetheless be sketched out. On 4 September, for example, 10
civilians were killed in a raid on the Görlitzer Station.33 Three weeks
later, on 23–24 September, 22 Berliners were killed and 83 injured.34
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145
Twelve of them died in a single incident, when a bomb penetrated
the entrance to an air raid shelter on Lüneburgerstrasse in Moabit
before exploding.35
The heavy raid of 7–8 October, meanwhile, brought the highest
death toll recorded in the capital up to that point, when 31 Berliners
were killed and 91 were injured. Eight of the dead were discovered in
the south-eastern suburb of Köpenick, where an air raid shelter
collapsed.36 William Shirer recorded the luck of one of the city’s civil-
ians that night:
One young woman I know owes her life to the fact that she missed
her suburban train by about twenty feet. She caught a second one about
fifteen minutes later, but it did not run very far. The first had been hit
square on by a British bomb and blown to pieces, fifteen passengers
perishing!37
Two weeks later a second air raid shelter collapsed, this time in
Carmerstrasse in Charlottenburg; fifteen civilians were killed.
It was not only civilians who found themselves in the line of fire.
The following month, 10 Polish labourers were killed when a bomb
penetrated a section of train tunnel near the Stettiner Station, which
was being used as a shelter.38 Later, on the night of 14–15 November,
33 workers were killed when a British bomber was shot down over the
southern district of Marienfelde, where it crashed into a
Reichsarbeitsfront
barrack.39
The official reaction of the Nazi state, in the early phase of the air
war, alternated between righteous indignation and mockery of the
perceived shortcomings of the RAF. The Propaganda Ministry worked
hard to push its twofold agenda, stressing how ineffectual the bombing
raids were on the one hand, and complaining on the other that civilian
targets were being hit. It also organised tours of every fresh bomb-
site, encouraging all foreign correspondents still in the capital to join
officials in inspecting the damage, so as to better ‘manage’ the unfolding
news stories.
The American journalist Fred Oechsner was one of those who was
often invited along on what he called the ‘dawn bombing-inspection
junkets’. Initially, he recalled: ‘the Propaganda Ministry did its best to
pooh-pooh the significance of the raids’, but gradually, as the autumn
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nights closed in and the bombing grew more serious, Goebbels’ offi-
cials found it increasingly difficult to dismiss them so easily. They also
began to complain about ‘unfair reporting’ and even suggested that