Authors: Roger Moorhouse
the city – the direction from which most of its inhabitants would be
arriving.
unwelcome strangers
119
Broadly rectangular, with a total area of over 100,000 square metres,
the camp at Wilhelmshagen was conceived as two mirror-image enclo-
sures, divided by the roadway linking the rail siding with a nearby
road. Each side of the camp would consist of ten single-storey wooden
barrack blocks – each for around 240 inhabitants – as well as admin-
istrative buildings, a hospital block and sanitary facilities. It housed
around five thousand people.3
Arriving at the camp, it is likely that some of the labourers initially
felt relief. Many of them had been en route for days, with stops at
other transit camps along the way. For some, especially those from
Poland or the Soviet Union who tended to be transported in goods
wagons, the camp at least offered the possibility of a wash and some
brief rest. This was certainly the attitude expressed by one labourer,
Kazimiera Czarnecka, who recalled that in the barrack blocks, ‘there
were wooden bunk beds, no mattress, but clean. We lay down, still
in the same clothes that we had arrived in . . . Finally, we could wash
our sticky hands and faces.’4
Any tentative optimism quickly vanished, however, when the labourers
were processed. The procedure was one that few of them would ever
forget. Some are sober in their recollections. ‘We were led to a large
clearing’, recalled young Polish labourer Irena Pawlak, ‘all around us
stood many trees and large barrack blocks. There we had to parade and
photographs were taken of us for the
Arbeitskarten
[identity cards].
Everyone was given a number on their chest. I was number 3379.’5 Others
found the experience more difficult. Aleksandra Reniszewska described
it in the following uncompromising terms:
The worst part was when all the women were herded together in a
barrack. Our clothes and underwear were taken to be deloused, and we
had to stand, naked, on the concrete floor. Photographs were taken of
us and numbers were distributed, which were necessary for registration
in the office. Then we had to stand, legs apart with heads lowered, over
a drain, whilst the male guards . . . poured a stinking, greasy liquid on
all parts of our bodies with hair; allegedly it was to protect against lice.
Then they poured cold and hot water over us and laughed at us.
It was, she said, the most ‘humiliating and degrading’ experience of
her life.6
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berlin at war
There were other privations to follow. One Polish labourer
complained that the guards at the camp were all Ukrainians and that
they would beat the workers with whips. Others protested that they
were treated ‘worse than dogs’.7 Overcrowding was endemic. Though
the camp was designed to house and process nearly five thousand
inmates, it was quickly operating well beyond that capacity. The lucky,
or more forceful, inmates could find themselves a place in the barracks,
but the remainder had to make do with whatever space they could
find. ‘We were like cattle in a paddock’, one recalled; ‘you couldn’t
escape, you didn’t know where to go. Day and night we sat on our
cases, on the ground, or leant on trees. There was no room to move.’8
Food, too, was limited, primarily for the simple reason that the
rationing system for labourers was dependent upon the type and the
severity of the work that they had been assigned, and, as the labourers
at Wilhelmshagen had not yet been assigned a job, they technically
did not ‘qualify’ for any rations. Some inmates recalled a regular – if
insufficient – distribution of bread, ersatz coffee and watery soup;
others found any sort of nourishment extremely hard to come by.
Czech Vojte˘ch Fiala complained that he spent two days and three
nights at Wilhelmshagen ‘without any food at all . . . and without even
the opportunity to quench [his] thirst’.9
Thankfully, therefore, the average stay for a labourer in Wilhelmshagen
was less than a week. According to official instructions, the camp was
intended to enable a ‘swift and orderly registration of arriving labourers’
in which each transport would be dealt with within 2–4 days.10 Once
passed fit for work and registered, new arrivals would quickly be allo-
cated a workplace and another camp elsewhere in the city. If a labourer
had a particular skill – welding, perhaps, or carpentry – this would be
taken into account. Heavy labour, meanwhile, would usually be assigned
to young men, but beyond that the selections were made more or less
at random.
Every morning at roll-call, lists of names were read out and those
called up were ordered to present themselves, with their belong-
ings, for transfer. Generally a representative of the employer would
then arrive to accompany them to their new place of work. Larger
groups would be accompanied by a detachment of police or
gendarmes.
Businesses of all sizes could avail themselves of Wilhelmshagen’s
unwelcome strangers
121
labour pool. Smaller businesses and tradesmen were often invited to
come to the camp in person to make a selection. The circumstances
were akin to a slave market. One coal merchant who needed help
after one of his employees had been called up for the Wehrmacht was
informed by the authorities that a transport from Poland was arriving
the following day. ‘If you can use a Pole’, he was told, ‘come and
choose one.’11
Whether individually, or in long, bedraggled columns, the labourers
that passed out through the gates of Wilhelmshagen were entering a
new and frightening world. The vast majority of them had never been
away from their home country before; many had never even ventured
beyond their own home town. Berlin – with its wide boulevards, public
transport systems, its huge factories, parks and architecture – must
have made both a fascinating and terrifying impression.
Moreover, most
Zwangsarbeiter
came from countries recently defeated
and occupied by German forces. Some might have lost their fathers,
husbands or brothers in the fighting, or been forcibly torn from their
friends, their families and their home communities. Even those who had
come to Germany voluntarily tended to do so for reasons of economic
necessity rather than ideological sympathy. All foreign labourers, there-
fore, tended to view themselves as ‘working for the enemy’. As one of
them commented: ‘for us Germany was always something evil, and now
we had arrived in the centre of it . . . Little wonder then, that it was a
shock for which we were scarcely prepared.’12
For all their fears and antipathy, foreign labourers were to become the
very cornerstone of the German wartime economy. They served
almost every business in Berlin, from the largest industrial concerns
– such as Daimler-Benz, AEG and Bosch – down to the smallest inde-
pendent tradesman or shopkeeper. In the summer of 1943, the number
of foreign and forced labourers in Berlin topped 400,000, comprising
one in five of the capital’s total workforce.13 Siemens, for instance,
employed nearly 15,000 foreign labourers in the capital, housed in over
100 camps. German Railways employed a further 13,000, Speer’s Berlin
Building Inspectorate 10,000 and AEG, 9,000.14
The workers themselves came to the capital from across Europe.
Figures for the summer of 1944 show that about a quarter of them –
100,000 individuals – came from the areas of the USSR occupied or
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berlin at war
formerly occupied by German troops. A further 65,000 came from
occupied France, with over 30,000 coming from Belgium, and the same
number from Holland and Poland. Thus, one-third of all the foreign
labourers in the German capital came from western Europe. One-third
of them, too, were women.15
The quarters in which these workers were housed varied enor-
mously. A minority – those who were employed in small family
businesses – might find lodging within a family home (until this
practice was forbidden in 1942), or on business premises. The majority,
however, were housed in purpose-built barracks or converted ware-
houses. The largest camp in the Berlin area – housing over 2,500
labourers – was that attached to the Fritz Werner factory in
Tempelhof, which manufactured the Wehrmacht standard-issue
K-98k rifle. Only three other camps, however, housed over two
thousand labourers and the vast majority held barely a couple of
hundred. Thus the total number of barracks, camps and hostels for
foreign workers in the Berlin district was enormous; recent estimates
have pushed the total figure up close to 3,000.16 As the French former
forced labourer François Cavanna recalled:
At that time, Berlin was covered with wooden barracks. In even the
tiniest space in the capital, there were rows of brown, wooden blocks,
covered in roofing felt. Greater Berlin resembled a single camp, which
had been scattered between the sturdy buildings, the monuments, the
office blocks, the rail stations and the factories.17
Given the sheer variety of camps, conditions within them also
varied enormously, but there were at least some overarching guide-
lines from which generalisations can be drawn. Foreign and forced
labourers were not treated equally in Nazi Germany: crucial racial
distinctions affected the working and living conditions of the labourers
concerned. As a general rule, labourers from western Europe and the
Czech lands tended to be treated as employees rather than prisoners.
In 1943, the German government even produced a lavishly illustrated
book on the foreign labourers entitled
Europa arbeitet in Deutschland
,
– ‘Europe is working in Germany’ – which contained photographs of
cheerful workers enjoying their free time in writing letters, playing cards,
eating and drinking in clean, bright, well-appointed accommodation.18
unwelcome strangers
123
Surprisingly, perhaps, they were scenes that some labourers would
have recognised. One French worker who came to Berlin in the spring
of 1943 had initially been concerned that he would be interned in one
of the notorious concentration camps:
But we were soon reassured. It was not armed military personnel that
awaited us. We were welcomed by very polite civilians, and calmly
stepped off the train. There was nothing there that one could compare
to [. . .] the concentration camps. We were taken to whitewashed build-
ings that had obviously not yet been occupied. Nothing but cleanliness;
everything tipp topp! The sanitary facilities were brand new, and there
were showers with warm water.19
Though this experience may well have been exceptional, conditions
for many of the ‘westerners’ were nonetheless quite favourable. In
the average barracks, they were given a bunk and a wardrobe as well
as blankets, mess tins and cutlery. They worked a twelve-hour day,
but had free time at weekends and even a little money to spend. Many
enjoyed the sights of the city, or went to the cinema, the opera or
attended concerts.20 Some firms organised football tournaments with
teams made up from ‘their’ Czech or Dutch labourers.21 Under the
auspices of the German Labour Front and the social ‘Strength through
Joy’ organisation, cultural and educational programmes were also
offered and newspapers were produced in numerous languages,
including Croat, Dutch, Czech and French.22
Western labourers were also to be paid, according to a published scale,
and normally received a proportion of the regular wage offered to their
German equivalents. One Czech labourer, for instance, recalled earning
a third of the amount paid to his German colleagues.23 In addition, western
labourers were required to contribute to the German social insurance
system, which rendered them eligible for unemployment, sickness and
accident benefits.24 Most important, however, they were permitted ration
allowances that were broadly equivalent to those of a German labourer,
with a ‘normal’ consumer receiving 2,400 calories per day, while a ‘heavy
labourer’ would be allocated 3,600.25
Many of these rights and benefits were at best theoretical. Official
commitments to medical treatment and social security benefits for
foreign labourers were rarely honoured, while rationing allowances
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berlin at war
and pay often did not reach the stipulated levels. And it is doubtful
whether many foreign labourers had the energy, or the inclination, to
see the capital’s cultural offerings, engage in educational programmes
or play sport. Nonetheless, it is important to recognise that the ex -
perience for many of them was far removed from the horrors they
might have expected. Theirs was not necessarily a happy lot; it certainly
had its privations and its petty humiliations, but it was a long way
from the experience of the inmates of the concentration camp at
Sachsenhausen, just a few miles away to the north. As one labourer