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Authors: Richard Leakey

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The significant changes that occurred with the evolution of the genus
Homo
, in brain size and architecture, social organization, and mode of subsistence, probably also marked the beginning of a change in the level of consciousness. The beginnings of the hunting-and-gathering way of life surely increased the complexity of the social chess our ancestors had to master. Skilled players of the game—those equipped with a more acute mental model, a sharper consciousness—would have enjoyed greater social and reproductive success. This is grist for natural selection, which would have raised consciousness to higher and higher levels. This gradually unfolding consciousness changed us into a new kind of animal. It transformed us into an animal who sets arbitrary standards of behavior based on what is considered to be right and wrong.

Much of this, of course, is speculation. How can we know what happened to our ancestors’ level of consciousness during the past 2.5 million years? How can we pinpoint when it became as we experience it today? The harsh reality anthropologists face is that these questions may be unanswerable. If I have difficulty proving that another human possesses the same level of consciousness I do, and if most biologists balk at trying to determine the degree of consciousness in nonhuman animals, how is one to discern the signs of reflective consciousness in creatures long dead? Consciousness is even less visible in the archeological record than language is. Some human behaviors almost certainly reflect both language and a conscious awareness, such as artistic expression. Others, such as the making of stone tools, may, as we’ve seen, give clues to language but not to consciousness. However, there is one human activity redolent of consciousness that sometimes leaves its mark in the prehistoric record: deliberate burial of the dead.

Ritual disposal of the dead speaks clearly of an awareness of death, and thus an awareness of self. Every society has ways in which death is accommodated as part of its mythology and religion. There are myriad ways in which this is done in the modern age, varying from extensive care of the corpse over a long period, perhaps involving moving it from one special location to another after a period of a year or even more, to minimal attention to the body. Sometimes, but not often, the ritual involves burial. Ritual burial in ancient societies would offer the opportunity for the ceremony to become frozen in time, available later for the archeologist to puzzle over.

The first evidence of deliberate burial in human history is a Neanderthal burial not much more than 100,000 years ago. One of the most poignant burials was a little later, some 60,000 years ago, in the Zagros Mountains of northern Iraq. A mature male was buried at the entrance to a cave; his body had apparently been placed on a bed of flowers of medicinal potential, judging by the pollen that was found in the soil around the fossilized skeleton. Perhaps, some anthropologists have speculated, he was a shaman. Earlier than 100,000 years ago, there is no evidence of any kind of ritual that might betray reflective consciousness. Nor, as noted in
chapter 6
, is there any art. It’s true that the absence of such evidence does not definitively prove the absence of consciousness. But neither can it be adduced in support of consciousness. I would find it surprising, however, if the immediate ancestors of archaic
sapiens
people, late
Homo erectus
, did not have a level of consciousness significantly greater than that of chimpanzees. Their social complexity, large brain size, and probable language skills all point to it.

Neanderthals, as I’ve suggested, and probably other archaic
sapiens
, did have an awareness of death and therefore undoubtedly a highly developed reflective consciousness. But was it of the same luminosity as we experience today? Probably not. The emergence of fully modern language and fully modern consciousness were no doubt linked, each feeding the other. Modern humans became modern when they spoke like us and experienced the self as we do. We surely see evidence of this in the art of Europe and Africa from 35,000 years onward and in the elaborate ritual that accompanied burial in the Upper Paleolithic.

Every human society has an origin myth, the most fundamental story of all. These origin myths well up from the fountainhead of reflective consciousness, the inner voice that seeks explanations for everything. Ever since reflective consciousness burned brightly in the human mind, mythology and religion have been a part of human history. Even in this age of science, they probably will remain so. A common theme of mythology is the attribution of humanlike motives and emotions to nonhuman animals—and even to physical objects and forces, such as mountains and storms. This tendency to anthropomorphize flows naturally from the context in which consciousness evolved. Consciousness is a social tool for understanding the behavior of others by modeling it on one’s own feelings. It is a simple and natural extrapolation to impute these same motives to aspects of the world that are nonhuman but are nonetheless important.

Animals and plants are fundamental to the survival of hunter-gatherers, as are the natural elements, which nurture the environment. Life, as a complex interplay of all these elements, is seen as an interplay of intentional actions, just like the social nexus. It is not surprising, therefore, that animals and physical forces play an important role in the mythology of foraging peoples the world over. The same must have applied in the past.

On my visit to many of the decorated caves in France a decade ago, this thought kept occurring to me. The images I saw before me, some of which were simply sketched, some crafted in detail, were always potent in their impact on my mind but elusive in their meaning. The half human/half animal figures, particularly, challenged my imagination, and left it defeated. I was certain that I was in the presence of elements of an ancient people’s origin myth, but I had no way of seeing it. We know from recent history that the eland has myriad spiritual powers for the San people of southern Africa. But we can only speculate about the role that the horse and the bison played in the spiritual lives of Ice Age Europeans. We know they were powerful, but we have no idea in what way.

Standing before the bison figures in Le Tuc d’Audou bert, I sensed the connectedness of human minds across the millennia: the mind of the sculptors of those figures, and my own mind—the mind of the observer. And I felt the frustration of being distant from the artists’ world, not because we were separated in time but because we were separated by our different cultures. This is one of the paradoxes of
Homo sapiens:
we experience the unity and diversity of a mind shaped by eons of life as hunter-gatherers. We experience its unity in the common possession of an awareness of self and a sense of awe at the miracle of life. And we experience its diversity in the different cultures—expressed in language, customs, and religions—that we create and that create us. We should rejoice at so wondrous a product of evolution.

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND FURTHER READINGS
PREFACE

Leakey, Richard E., and Roger Lewin,
Origins
(New York: E. P. Dutton, 1977).

--------,
Origins Reconsidered
(New York: Doubleday, 1992).

Tattersall, Ian,
The Human Odyssey
(New York: Prentice Hall, 1993).

CHAPTER I. THE FIRST HUMANS

Broom, Robert,
The Coming of Man: Was It Accident or Design?
(New York: Witherby, 1933).

Coppens, Yves, “East Side Story: The Origin of Humankind,”
Scientific American
, May 1994, pp. 88-95.

Darwin, Charles,
The Descent of Man
(London: John Murray, 1871).

Lewin, Roger,
Bones of Contention
(New York: Touchstone, 1988).

Lovejoy, C. Owen, “The Origin of Man,”
Science
211 (1981): 341-350. [See responses, 217 (1982): 295-306.]

--------, “The Evolution of Human Walking,”
Scientific American
, November 1988, pp. 118-125.

Pilbeam, David, “Hominoid Evolution and Hominoid Origins,”
American Anthropologist
, 88 (1986): 295-312.

Rodman, Peter S., and Henry M. McHenry, “Bioenergetics of Hominid Bipedalism,”
American Journal of Physical Anthropology
52 (1980): 103-106.

Sarich, Vincent M., “A Personal Perspective on Hominoid Macro-molecular Systematics,” in Russel L. Ciochon and Robert S. Cor-ruccini eds.,
New Interpretations of Ape and Human Ancestry
(New York: Plenum Press, 1983), pp. 135-150.

Wallace, Alfred Russel,
Darwinism
(London: Macmillan, 1889).

CHAPTER 2. A CROWDED FAMILY

Foley, Robert A.,
Another Unique Species
(Harlow, Essex: Longman Scientific and Technical, 1987).

--------,“How Many Species of Hominid Should There Be?”
Journal of Human Evolution
20 (1991): 413-429.

Johanson, Donald C, and Maitland A. Edey,
Lucy: The Beginnings of Humankind
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981).

Johanson, Donald C, and Tim D. White, “A Systematic Assessment of Early African Hominids,”
Science
202 (1979): 321-330.

Leakey, Richard E.,
The Making of Mankind
(New York: E. P. Dutton, 1981).

Schick, Kathy D., and Nicholas Toth,
Making Stones Speak
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1993).

Susman, Randall L., and Jack Stern, “The Locomotor Behavior of
Australopithecus afarensis,” American Journal of Physical Anthropology
60 (1983): 279-317.

Susman, Randall L., et al., “Arboreality and Bipedality in the Hadar Hominids,”
Folia Primatologica
43 (1984): 113-156.

Toth, Nicholas, “Archaeological Evidence for Preferential Right-Handedness in the Lower Pleistocene, and Its Possible Implications,”
Journal of Human Evolution
14 (1985): 607-614.

--------, “The First Technology,”
Scientific American
, April 1987, pp. 112-121.

Wynn, Thomas, and William C. McGrew, “An Ape’s View of the Oldowan,”
Man
24 (1989): 383-398.

CHAPTER 3. A DIFFERENT KIND OF HUMAN

Aiello, Leslie, “Patterns of Stature and Weight in Human Evolution,”
American Journal of Physical Anthropology
81 (1990): 186-187.

Bogin, Barry, “The Evolution of Human Childhood,”
Bioscience
40 (1990): 16-25.

Foley, Robert A., and Phyllis E. Lee, “Finite Social Space, Evolutionary Pathways, and Reconstructing Hominid Behavior,”
Science
243 (1989): 901-906.

Martin, Robert D., “Human Brain Evolution in an Ecological Context,”
The Fifty-second James Arthur Lecture on the Human Brain
(New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1983).

Spoor, Fred, et al., “Implications of Early Hominid Labyrinthine Morphology for Evolution of Human Bipedal Locomotion,”
Nature
369 (1994): 645-648.

Stanley, Steven M., “An Ecological Theory for the Origin of
Homo
,”
Paleobiology
18 (1992): 237-257.

Walker, Alan, and Richard E. Leakey,
The Nariokotome Homo Erectus Skeleton
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).

Wood, Bernard, “Origin and Evolution of the Genus
Homo,” Nature
355 (1992): 783-790.

CHAPTER 4. MAN THE NOBLE HUNTER?

Ardrey, Robert,
The Hunting Hypothesis
(New York: Atheneum, 1976).

Binford, Lewis,
Bones: Ancient Men and Modern Myth
(San Diego: Academic Press, 1981).

--------, “Human Ancestors: Changing Views of their Behavior,”
Journal of Anthropological Archaeology
4 (1985): 292-327.

Bunn, Henry, and Ellen Kroll, “Systematic Butchery by Plio/Pleis-tocene Hominids at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania,”
Current Anthropology 27
(1986): 431-452.

Bunn, Henry, et al., “FxJj50: An Early Pleistocene Site in Northern Kenya,”
World Archaeology
12 (1980): 109-136.

Isaac, Glynn, “The Sharing Hypothesis,”
Scientific American
, April 1978, pp. 90-106.

--------, “Aspects of Human Evolution,” in
Evolution from Molecules to Man
, D. S. Bendall, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

Lee, Richard B., and Irven DeVore, eds.,
Man the Hunter
(Chicago: Aldine, 1968).

Potts, Richard,
Early Hominid Activities at Olduvai
(New York: Aldine, 1988).

Robinson, John T., “Adaptive Radiation in the Australopithecines and the Origin of Man,” in F. C. Howell and F. Bourliere, eds.,
African Ecology and Human Evolution
(Chicago: Aldine, 1963), pp. 385-416.

Sept, Jeanne M, “A New Perspective on Hominid Archeological Sites from the Mapping of Chimpanzee Nests,”
Current Anthropology
33 (1992): 187-208.

Shipman, Pat, “Scavenging or Hunting in Early Hominids?”
American Anthropologist
88 (1986): 27-43.

Zihlman, Adrienne, “Women as Shapers of the Human Adaptation,” in Frances Dahlberg, ed.,
Woman the Gatherer
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981).

CHAPTER 5. THE ORIGIN OF MODERN HUMANS

Klein, Richard G., “The Archeology of Modern Humans,”
Evolutionary Anthropology 1
(1992): 5-14.

Lewin, Roger,
The Origin of Modern Humans
(New York: W. H. Freeman, 1993).

Mellars, Paul, “Major Issues in the Emergence of Modern Humans,”
Current Anthropology
30 (1989): 349-385.

Mellars, Paul, and Christopher Stringer, eds.,
The Human Revolution: Behavioural and Biological Perspectives on the Origins of Modern Humans
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1989).

Rouhani, Shahin, “Molecular Genetics and the Pattern of Human Evolution,” in Mellars and Stringer, eds.,
The Human Revolution
.

Stringer, Christopher, “The Emergence of Modern Humans,”
Scientific American
, December 1990, pp. 98-104.

Stringer, Christopher, and Clive Gamble,
In Search of the Neanderthals
(London: Thames & Hudson, 1993).

Thome, Alan G., and Milford H. Wolpoff, “The Multiregional Evolution of Humans,”
Scientific American
, April 1992, pp. 76-83.

Trinkaus, Erik, and Pat Shipman,
The Neanderthals
(New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993).

White, Randall, “Rethinking the Middle/Upper Paleolithic Transition,”
Current Anthropology
23 (1982): 169-189.

Wilson, Allan C, and Rebecca L. Cann, “The Recent African Genesis of Humans,”
Scientific American
, April 1992, pp. 68-73.

CHAPTER 6. THE LANGUAGE OF ART

Bahn, Paul, and Jean Vertut,
Images of the Ice Age
(New York: Facts on File, 1988).

Conkey, Margaret W., “New Approaches in the Search for Meaning?
A Review of Research in ‘Paleolithic Art,’”
Journal of Field Archaeology
14 (1987): 413-430.

Davidson, Iain, and William Noble, “The Archeology of Depiction and Language,”
Current Anthropology
30 (1989): 125-156.

Halverson, John, “Art for Art’s Sake in the Paleolithic,”
Current Anthropology
28 (1987): 63-89.

Lewin, Roger, “Paleolithic Paint Job,”
Discover
, July 1993, pp. 64-70.

Lewis-Williams, J. David, and Thomas A. Dowson, “The Signs of All Times,”
Current Anthropology
29 (1988): 202-245.

Lindly, John M., and Geoffrey A. Clark, “Symbolism and Modern
Human Origins,”
Current Anthropology
31 (1991): 233-262.

Lorblanchet, Michel, “Spitting Images,”
Archeology
, November/ December 1991, pp. 27-31.

Scarre, Chris, “Painting by Resonance,”
Nature
338 (1989): 382.

White, Randall, “Visual Thinking in the Ice Age,”
Scientific American
, July 1989, pp. 92-99.

CHAPTER 7. THE ART OF LANGUAGE

Bickerton, Derek,
Language and Species
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

Chomsky, Noam,
Language and Problems of Knowledge
(Cambridge: MIT Press, 1988).

Davidson, Iain, and William Noble, “The Archeology of Depiction and Language,”
Current Anthropology
30 (1989): 125-156.

Deacon, Terrence, “The Neural Circuitry Underlying Primate Calls and Human Language,”
Human Evolution
4 (1989): 367-401.

Gibson, Kathleen, and Tim Ingold, eds.,
Tools, Language, and Intelligence
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

Holloway, Ralph, “Human Paleontological Evidence Relevant to Language Behavior,”
Human Neurobiology
2 (1983): 105-114.

Isaac, Glynn, “Stages of Cultural Elaboration in the Pleistocene,” in Steven R. Hamad, Horst D. Steklis, and Jane Lancaster, eds.,
Origins and Evolution of Language and Speech
(New York: New York Academy of Sciences, 1976).

Jerison, Harry, “Brain Size and the Evolution of Mind,”
The Fifty-ninth James Arthur Lecture on the Human Brain
(New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1991).

Laitman, Jeffrey T., “The Anatomy of Human Speech,”
Natural History
, August 1984, pp. 20-27.

Pinker, Steven,
The Language Instinct
(New York: William Morrow, 1994).

Pinker, Steven, and Paul Bloom, “Natural Language and Natural Selection,”
Behavioral and Brain Sciences
13 (1990): 707-784.

White, Randall, “Thoughts on Social Relationships and Language in Hominid Evolution,”
Journal of Social and Personal Relationships
2 (1985): 95-115.

Wills, Christopher,
The Runaway Brain
(New York: Basic Books, 1993).

Wynn, Thomas, and William C. McGrew, “An Ape’s View of the Oldowan,”
Man
24 (1989): 383-398.

CHAPTER 8. THE ORIGIN OF MIND

Byrne, Richard, and Andrew Whiten,
Machiavellian Intelligence: Social Expertise and the Evolution of Intellect in Monkeys, Apes, and Humans
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988).

Cheney, Dorothy L., and Robert M. Seyfarth,
How Monkeys See the World
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

Dennett, Daniel,
Consciousness Explained
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1991).

Gallup, Gordon, “Self-awareness and the Emergence of Mind in Primates,”
American Journal of Primatology
2 (1982): 237-248.

Gibson, Kathleen, and Tim Ingold, eds.,
Tools, Language, and Intelligence
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).

Griffin, Donald,
Animal Minds
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).

Humphrey, Nicholas K.,
The Inner Eye
(London: Faber & Faber, 1986).

--------,
A History of the Mind
(New York: HarperCollins, 1993). Jerison, Harry, “Brain Size and the Evolution of Mind,”
The Fifty-ninth James Arthur Lecture on the Human Brain
(New York: American Museum of Natural History, 1991).

McGinn, Colin, “Can We Solve the Mind-Body Problem?” Mind 98 (1989): 349-366.

Savage-Rumbaugh, Sue, and Roger Lewin,
Kanzi: At the Brink of Human Mind
(New York: John Wiley, 1994).

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