The iCongressman (11 page)

SENATOR VIANO

We are a half hour into this meeting when Michael’s
chief of staff finally decides to grace us with her presence. She walks in with
Kylie Roberts, who’s a bit of a tart, but otherwise a capable journalist.
Chelsea’s eyes are puffy and red from crying, and I’m willing to bet Kylie was
acting as a supportive girlfriend. For a chief of staff in this town, she needs
to develop a thicker skin. What a weakling.

After greetings are made, Michael quickly gets Chelsea and
Kylie up to speed on our discussions with Blake handling most of the questions.
I only deal with principals, not questions from the staff. That and I know of
the history between Chelsea and Blake going back to their first campaign.
Keeping her intimidated and on edge can only benefit me.

“Have you vetted all these people?” Chelsea asks, I suppose
getting the obvious questions out of the way.

“It’s not complete,” Blake replies patiently, “but we are
working on it. They all passed the cursory look for anything potentially
embarrassing.”

“What do you think?” Michael asks her. I am not sure if
asking someone who can’t legally buy a drink for her political opinion is out
of sympathy or legitimate.
Hopefully the former more than the
latter.

“She thinks going after the extremes is a mistake,” Blake
says, drawing a fiery stare. “I’m sure she thinks we need to target moderates
to get bigger numbers.”

“Don’t presume to think you know anything about what my
thoughts are,
Mister Peoni
.” I look
over at Kylie who has a look of almost maternal pride on her face. I may have
to account for her being more involved in the happenings of the Bennit camp
than I thought.

“I was assuming that―”

“You were assuming that I would balk at taking on the most
firmly entrenched representatives in the House. That we don’t have the
resources or time to target entrenched incumbents in heavily gerrymandered
districts. And you were most afraid that I would convince Congressman Bennit of
all that, which is why you leaked it to the Three Amigos.”

“
The who
?” Michael asks, not quite
understanding the reference. I only can guess, but I assume it is some of the
staff members I told Blake to reach out to in preparation for this meeting.

“They work for three of the New York moderate Democrats,”
she explains. “They seem to be very well informed about the senator’s plan
here. How do you imagine that is?”

“Now Chelsea, we’re all on the same team here,” Blake
chides. Best if I come clean now before she launches into an Alec Baldwin-like
tirade.

“I had Blake talk to some of staff members for moderates in
the House. I had my former chief of staff Gary Condrey talk to a few others.”

“Why would you tip them off like that, Senator?” Kylie asks
me. I didn’t even know she was invited to this meeting.

“Because I don’t want moderates to panic when the word
spreads about this,” I reply, a little annoyed I have to justify myself to a
simple journalist.

“No, that’s not why, Senator,” Chelsea intercedes. “You cut
us off at the knees. It was your way of manipulating us to do what you want. If
we fight you on this, and decide to push forward with going after more
vulnerable members, you’ll have leverage to make us look like bungling fools.”
Very astute.
That was part of my thought process.

“That’s patently untrue, Miss Stanton. I discussed this at
length with Gary and he advised me that this was the best route to take based
on our ultimate goal. We are working toward the same thing.” There is no part of
what I said that’s true, but I almost believed it myself. Damn, I miss
politics.

“So you guys keep saying. But if we’re a team, then you
should start being team players.” I am about to say something before Michael
stops me.

“Senator, Chelsea is right. I understand the course of
action, but it should have been pursued after we had this meeting, not before.”

“I understand, Michael. It won’t happen again.” Not that it
matters, because it served its purpose.

“Why are you doing this, Senator?” Chelsea barks without
preamble.

“Excuse me?”

“You heard me. Why are you doing this? Let me answer your
next question before you ask it,” she says, getting up and pacing around the
office now. Michael is paying rapt attention, almost confused by her behavior.
“When Kylie began helping us during the last campaign, she had reasons she
never shared with us until after the election. Turns out they were good ones,
but I’m not so sure about yours. I’m not willing to put that kind of faith in
you. So tell us now, why are you helping us?”

This little teenager is showing me a side of her I haven’t
seen yet. I will have to do a little more homework and keep a closer eye on
her. Dealing with one loose cannon on the ship is bad enough, but two could be
a disaster.

“Are you accusing us of―”

“
It’s
okay, Blake,” I interrupt. “I
understand your concern, Chelsea. And yours, Michael, assuming she is speaking
for you as well. Let’s just say I’ve harbored a lot of resentment toward the
elites in my party since my defeat. That’s as much detail as I am going to
provide.”

“That’s not good enough,” Kylie says, butting in again.

“It’s going to have to be, Miss Roberts, because that’s all
you’re going to get. I want to help you change the system. From here, you can
either choose to accept my help or not. I’ve shown you all my cards and have
asked nothing in return.”

“Yet.”

“I’m trying to help you, Chelsea. That’s all. God knows you
both need it.”

“Yeah, right.
I don’t know what
your game is, but I don’t buy your reasons for a second. You expect us to
believe you are doing all this out of the goodness of your heart? This is
Washington, and the very notion of that is laughable.”

“I don’t think I like what you’re accusing me of.”

“I don’t think I give a damn.” She’s turning into quite the
feisty one, isn’t she?

“Chelsea,” Michael warns. She’s ignoring him, so maybe it’s
time to test the strength of their relationship. Chelsea is too young to be an
effective political player in this town, if for no other reason that so much
work is done in restaurants and bars over drinks. Her crying also makes me
question her mental toughness. You need an iron will to hack it in this town.
Blake would be far better suited for this role, and him being an insider
instead of just a liaison would be beneficial to me as well.

“Michael, if you don’t want my assistance, I will happily
leave you to try to pull this off yourself.” He looks at me for a long moment,
and I’m convinced he’s about to ask Chelsea to leave the room. If he does, her
future working for him will have a life expectancy of minutes, not years.

“Senator,” he says to me with a serious tone he rarely uses.
“I suggest you listen to what my chief of staff has to say, and listen hard.”
Well, what do you know? He’s backing her after all.

“I’ve had a rough year and I am at my wits’ end, but I’m
done playing games,” she proclaims, not wasting any time seizing the
opportunity her mentor just gave her. “You cross us and you’ll find out the
hard way what your lying tongue tastes like after I rip it out and feed it to
you.”

I regard her for a moment, quickly glance over to Michael,
and then let out a laugh. The girl is finally showing some spunk. I admire
that. I may need to rethink my opinion of her.

“Chelsea, you might just make a good chief of staff after
all.”

SPEAKER ALBRIGHT

Power in Congress may transfer between political
parties, but the one constant in the lives of the congressional elite is the
power lunch. Between noon and two o’clock, restaurants in and around Capitol
Hill fill with members and staff who meet to negotiate and clinch deals.
Charlie Palmer Steak is one of the most popular places for these gatherings
and, depending on the week, serves about a quarter of the House and a third of
the Senate.

“You’re late,” I say to the majority leader as he takes a
seat across from me. The restaurant sports a rooftop with scenic views of the
city, but is also replete with private dining areas including the one we’re
seated in now.

“Sorry, it’s already been one of those days. I acquired this
as a peace offering.” Harvey hands me an innocuous looking manila file folder
and orders seltzer water from the waiter while he waits for me to peruse the
contents.

“It’s a list of names and districts.
So
what?”

“It is a list of icandidates planning to run in the next
election.” Oh, not this again.

“Where did you get this from?” I ask, more than a little
curious as to where he gets his information. As Speaker of the House, I get
wind of a lot of rumors, but it’s nothing compared to what Harvey seems to
uncover.

“I have a source friendly with Bennit and willing to do my
bidding. Do you notice anything peculiar about where those candidates are
running?”

I give Harvey a long, hard look before turning my attention
back to the file. I look through the associated districts next to each name
again. By a third of the way down the sheet, I know what he is referring to.

“They’re all safe districts,” I say, scanning harder for one
in particular. Members who hail from districts who almost always support a
particular party tend to be slackers. Because they never face serious threats,
they don’t know how to campaign well. They also are the most ideologically
rigid representatives in the House, as reflected in their voting records.
Taking a hard-line position on controversial issues is fodder for a crafty
opponent in a tight race.

“Your district is on the second page. Do you know the lady?”
I find the line with my South Carolina district and trace across the
spreadsheet at the name of my soon-to-be foe.

“Damn.”

“You do know her then?” Harvey asks, amused.

“Yeah, she’s a well-respected small business owner and
longtime Republican supporter. I never imagined I would have to worry about
her, much less face her in an election.”

“Welcome to the age of the icandidate,” Harvey laments.

“Your district is on this list too?”

“All of our districts are,” another voice booms from next to
me, deciding to take a seat uninvited. “Good afternoon, Mister Speaker,” he
says, before turning to Harvey.
“And to you, Mister Leader.”

“So you have a problem with Bennit, too, Dennis?” I ask the
longtime Democrat and reigning minority leader of the U.S. House of
Representatives. Meetings between party leadership rarely happen in public
these days, although that was not always the case. While old-school reporters
may remember a day where we would all be seen at a restaurant table together, a
young journalist would crap his pants if he walked by this dining room and saw
Harvey and me sitting with Dennis Merrick right now.

“Fifty of the districts on that list are Democrat
strongholds. You’re damn right we’re worried about him.” Dennis is a
politician’s politician. In his late forties, he has television looks and a
disarming demeanor. Coming from Washington State, he is remarkably popular with
the hipster crowd that frequents the Seattle coffeehouse scene.

“I think you guys are overestimating the effectiveness of a
social media campaign in a presidential election year,” I state. “There was
nothing else to talk about when Bennit ran in the midterms. Now, everyone will
be focused on who will win the White House. Nobody is going to care about
virtual campaigns. It’s been done.”

“That was my initial thought,” Dennis says, “but the members
of my caucus are concerned that people will be more tuned into social media
because of the presidential race.”

“Okay, the only thing I know about social media is my
teenage daughter’s posting of duck faces on something called
Instagram
and documenting her every activity in Facebook
status updates. Harvey, what’s their plan? How are they planning to stand out
if there are a hundred of them running?”

“I don’t know, but I’m sure they have one. These aren’t run
of the mill lawyers bred for politics. They are teachers, tradesmen,
businessmen, and entrepreneurs. Many of them probably built their own dedicated
following like Francisco Reyes did down in Texas.”

“That’s the other reason they are dangerous. In today’s
media age, we are expected to answer questions about any subject. Let’s face
facts; most of the incumbents in these safe seats don’t have the expertise to
argue the issues against some of these candidates. They’ve never had to worry
about mastering many subjects because they win reelections so easily.”

Dennis is more legitimately concerned about this than I ever
thought. A professional politician to his very core, you always have to be
aware of alternative agendas. He will do anything that benefits the Democrats,
and would even ally himself with Bennit in a heartbeat if it meant reclaiming
the House for his party. Maybe that’s something we should consider.

“What’s the status of the Bennit investigation?” Harvey
asks, getting to the point.

“It’s progressing. The evidence is strong, but is still
being validated. I’m concerned that there are members of the committee who
won’t be swayed though,” I add, staring directly at the minority leader to
allow no confusion that the comment is directed toward him.

“That shouldn’t be a concern,” he replies. Yeah, right.
Everything is a concern when Dennis Merrick is involved. He would vote to
abolish the Fourth of July if he thought he could make my party look bad.

“I know how the Republicans will vote,” Harvey says, trying
to coax a more concrete reassurance from his counterpart. “Are you saying the
Democrats are with us?”

“What I’m saying is you don’t need to lose sleep wondering
if Democrats on the ethics panel will make this a partisan fight. We will
follow your lead if it means getting rid of Bennit before November.”

“We have a long history with you, Mister Leader,” I tell the
leading Democrat in my most foreboding voice. “Not all of your pledges of
support ever materialize the way you advertise them.” I may run the show as
Speaker of the House, but I am first beholden to protecting the interests of my
own party. This Bennit thing is bad, but getting politically outmaneuvered
would be even worse.

“There is no love lost between my party and Bennit,” Dennis
discloses. “Winston Beaumont may have been a blowhard, but he was our blowhard.
Now, because of Bennit, he’s spent more time in court than Lindsey
Lohan
.”
Yup, definitely a hipster.

“Meaning?”

“Meaning we will not cross you on this, Harvey. On that you
have my word,” he promises, getting up to leave. “Keep my office in the loop on
any developments. Good day, gentlemen.”

“The RNC wants this too, you know that, Mister Speaker,”
Harvey says, once the minority leader leaves our private dining area.

“You trust him?”

“Merrick? Hell, no. He will turn this into a political
opportunity to regain the House the first chance he gets. But I do believe
he’ll instruct his caucus not to interfere with the proceedings in the Ethics
Committee.”

“Okay. Let’s get a press conference scheduled for two weeks
from now and fire a shot across his bow,” I command. “Maybe he takes the hint
and resigns on his own, but at a minimum, it might scare all these independents
into not working with him.”

“I’ll get it scheduled. In the meantime, have the Chairman
of the Ethics Committee press forward with the investigation and get a hearing
scheduled in August before we hit convention season. Any negative press or
public backlash will be buried under the avalanche of media surrounding the
nominations for president.”

“Let’s hope so.”