The Great Arab Conquests (21 page)
Read The Great Arab Conquests Online
Authors: Hugh Kennedy
Instead of being overawed, the Bedouin was defiant. His appearance was deliberately provocative. He was, we are told, ‘the hairiest of the Arabs’, and he did nothing to smooth out his image. His coat was the covering of his camel in which he had made a hole, and he tied it round his waist with reeds. His headdress was the girth-rope of his camel tied around him like a bandana. On his head he had four locks of hair, which stuck up ‘like the horns of a goat’. His behaviour was as uncouth as his appearance. Instead of dismounting as ordered, he rode his horse on to the carpet, and when he did get down, he tore open two cushions to use them to tether his animal. When told to lay down his arms, he adamantly refused, saying that the Persians had invited him and they could take him as he was or he would go away again. When he was finally brought in to the presence of Rustam his behaviour was proudly destructive: he used his spear to make holes and gashes in the carpets and cushions so that none of them was undamaged. When asked why he did it, he replied, ‘We do not like to sit on this finery of yours.’
Rustam then asked him what had brought him here and Rib
c
ī replied with a short homily:
c
ī replied with a short homily:
Allah has sent us and brought us here so that we may free those who desire from servitude [
ibdat
] to earthly rulers and make them servants of God, that we may change their poverty into wealth and free them from the tyranny of [false] religions and bring them to the justice of Islam. He has sent us to bring His religion to all His creatures and to call them to Islam. Whoever accepts it from us will be safe and we shall leave him alone but whoever refuses we shall fight until we fulfil the promise of God.
When Rustam asked him what the promise of God was, he replied, ‘Paradise for him who dies fighting those who have refused to embrace Islam and victory for him who survives.’ Rustam then asked him whether he was the chief of the Muslims and Rib
c
ī replied that he was not but that it did not matter because they were all parts of the same whole, ‘and the most humble of them can make promise protection on behalf of the most noble’.
c
ī replied that he was not but that it did not matter because they were all parts of the same whole, ‘and the most humble of them can make promise protection on behalf of the most noble’.
Rustam then asked for time for consultation and Rib
c
ī reluctantly granted three days, because that was the time the Prophet had allowed. When his uncouth visitor had gone, and Rustam was alone with the Persian nobles, he expressed admiration for Rib
c
ī’s statement. The Persians were horrified that Rustam might be contemplating abandoning his religion on the advice of this scruffy lout. He replied that they should not look at his clothing but rather at his ‘judgement, his speech and his conduct’.
c
ī reluctantly granted three days, because that was the time the Prophet had allowed. When his uncouth visitor had gone, and Rustam was alone with the Persian nobles, he expressed admiration for Rib
c
ī’s statement. The Persians were horrified that Rustam might be contemplating abandoning his religion on the advice of this scruffy lout. He replied that they should not look at his clothing but rather at his ‘judgement, his speech and his conduct’.
The nobles then went and examined Rib
c
ī’s weapons and criticized their quality, but he showed them that they meant business by drawing his sword from its rags ‘like a flame of fire’. When it came to archery, his arrow penetrated the Persian shield while his leather one stood up to their arrow. Rib
c
ī then returned to the Muslim camp to give the Persians time to consider.
c
ī’s weapons and criticized their quality, but he showed them that they meant business by drawing his sword from its rags ‘like a flame of fire’. When it came to archery, his arrow penetrated the Persian shield while his leather one stood up to their arrow. Rib
c
ī then returned to the Muslim camp to give the Persians time to consider.
The Persians continued to argue among themselves about the proper response, and Rustam requested that Rib
c
ī return the following day. Instead the Muslims send another man, to make the point that they were all equal and united, and he too rode on the precious carpets and he defiantly offered them the three usual options: ‘If you embrace Islam, we will leave you alone, if you agree to pay the poll tax, we will protect you if you need our protection. Otherwise it is war.’ These three options were becoming the usual offer in negotiations between the Muslims and their opponents. Rustam suggested a truce. The Arab agreed, though only for three days, ‘beginning yesterday’.
c
ī return the following day. Instead the Muslims send another man, to make the point that they were all equal and united, and he too rode on the precious carpets and he defiantly offered them the three usual options: ‘If you embrace Islam, we will leave you alone, if you agree to pay the poll tax, we will protect you if you need our protection. Otherwise it is war.’ These three options were becoming the usual offer in negotiations between the Muslims and their opponents. Rustam suggested a truce. The Arab agreed, though only for three days, ‘beginning yesterday’.
On the Persian side the arguments continued and Rustam asked for a third man to be sent. This was Mughīra b. Shu
c
ba, altogether a more important individual than the previous two and a man who was to play a major role in the conquest and settlement of Iraq. Once again the Persians attempted to overawe their visitor; they were in their gold embroidered robes and wearing crowns. In front of them was a carpet a bow-shot long, and no one could approach them without walking on it. As they might have guessed, Mughīra was unimpressed and showed his contempt by jumping up on the throne beside Rustam. He was violently removed by the Persians, to which he responded by giving a short sermon on equality, speaking through an interpreter, an Arab from Hīra. He argued that the Arabs treated each other as equals and he was appalled that they did not, concluding that ‘a kingdom cannot be based on such conduct, nor on such minds as yours’. This too provoked an argument among the Persians: the lower-class people (
sifla
) said that Mughīra was right but the landowners (
dahqīn)
said that he was saying what their slaves had always been saying and they cursed their ancestors for not taking the Arabs more seriously.
c
ba, altogether a more important individual than the previous two and a man who was to play a major role in the conquest and settlement of Iraq. Once again the Persians attempted to overawe their visitor; they were in their gold embroidered robes and wearing crowns. In front of them was a carpet a bow-shot long, and no one could approach them without walking on it. As they might have guessed, Mughīra was unimpressed and showed his contempt by jumping up on the throne beside Rustam. He was violently removed by the Persians, to which he responded by giving a short sermon on equality, speaking through an interpreter, an Arab from Hīra. He argued that the Arabs treated each other as equals and he was appalled that they did not, concluding that ‘a kingdom cannot be based on such conduct, nor on such minds as yours’. This too provoked an argument among the Persians: the lower-class people (
sifla
) said that Mughīra was right but the landowners (
dahqīn)
said that he was saying what their slaves had always been saying and they cursed their ancestors for not taking the Arabs more seriously.
Rustam made a joke to try to soothe the differences in front of Mughīra. Then there was a more formal disputation, Rustam and Mughīra each making a short speech with the translator
38
standing between them. Rustam began by stressing the glory and prestige of the Persians. Even if they were defeated temporarily, Allāh would restore their glory. He went on to say that the Arabs had always lived in poverty and when they were afflicted by famine and drought they would seek help at the border. He knew that that was what they were doing now, so he would provide each of them with a load of dates and two garments so that they could leave: he had no desire the kill any of them or take them prisoner.
38
standing between them. Rustam began by stressing the glory and prestige of the Persians. Even if they were defeated temporarily, Allāh would restore their glory. He went on to say that the Arabs had always lived in poverty and when they were afflicted by famine and drought they would seek help at the border. He knew that that was what they were doing now, so he would provide each of them with a load of dates and two garments so that they could leave: he had no desire the kill any of them or take them prisoner.
Mughīra roundly rejected this patronizing proposition. He said that all the Persians’ prosperity was due to Allāh and that they had not been nearly grateful enough. The present position of the Arabs was not due to hunger or destitution but because Allāh had sent them a prophet. He went on to stress the religious position as the others had before. When he reached the sentence ‘And if you need our protection then be our slave [
abd
] and pay the
jizya
humbly, otherwise it is the sword’, Rustam lost his temper and swore ‘on the sun’ that dawn would not break the next day before he had killed them all. So negotiations were broken off. After Mughīra had gone, Rustam told the Persians that no one could withstand people of such honesty, intelligence and steadfastness of purpose.
abd
] and pay the
jizya
humbly, otherwise it is the sword’, Rustam lost his temper and swore ‘on the sun’ that dawn would not break the next day before he had killed them all. So negotiations were broken off. After Mughīra had gone, Rustam told the Persians that no one could withstand people of such honesty, intelligence and steadfastness of purpose.
Modern historians have tended to denigrate such set pieces in the Arabic texts; after all, they were written down a long time later, are full of conventional tropes and themes and cannot possibly describe real events and speeches. This account was passed down by at least two early narrators before being collected by Sayf b. Umar
39
(d. after 786) and the chances are that it was composed in its present form within a hundred years of the events it purports to describe. It is also likely it was elaborated when Muslim forces were still expanding the boundaries of Islam in Spain and Central Asia. In a real sense it is an authentic document of the conquest mentality, and if we want to understand the mind-set of the early Arab conquerors, it is to such documents we must turn.
39
(d. after 786) and the chances are that it was composed in its present form within a hundred years of the events it purports to describe. It is also likely it was elaborated when Muslim forces were still expanding the boundaries of Islam in Spain and Central Asia. In a real sense it is an authentic document of the conquest mentality, and if we want to understand the mind-set of the early Arab conquerors, it is to such documents we must turn.
The most fundamental point conveyed in the text is, of course, that the Arabs were inspired by the knowledge that Allāh was behind them and the preaching of Muhammad. So far so predictable. What is more striking is the awareness of and attention to the cultural divisions between them and the Persians. The Persians are richly clothed and live among luxurious carpets and textiles, the Arabs are poor and ragged. The only part of the Arabs’ equipment which is not old and scruffy is the bright blades of their swords. The Arabs are contemptuous of the wealth of their opponents. There is also the strong sense that the Arabs believed that they lived in a more egalitarian society in contrast to the more hierarchical Persian one, and that this was an important source of strength to them. Finally, there is the theme of the Persians recognizing the power and moral superiority of the Arabs. In this case Rustam quarrels with his courtiers while acknowledging this and they remain ignorant and contemptuous.
As the Arabs waited for the confrontation, they are said to have launched raids into the Sawād, driving back animals to be used for food. On one occasion a high-class Persian wedding party was ambushed, the men slain and the women taken captive. The Arabs are also shown as adept at spying, sneaking into their opponents’ camp, cutting their tent ropes and stealing their mounts to spread alarm among the enemy.
There are numerous reports of the final battle at Qādisiya but the details are very confused and it is impossible to get an overall picture. Numerous short and disconnected Arab anecdotes tell us of the bravery of one man, the death of another, occasionally the cowardice of a third. Certain themes are consistent: the fact that the fighting continued for a number of days and nights, the fact that the Persians used elephants in the early phases of the conflict but that they were largely ineffective. It looks as if the most intense fighting was done on foot and those who were mounted got down to join in. One short Arabic account stresses the importance of archery in their success.
40
A soldier in the Persian army recalled, ‘I took part in the battle of Qādisiya when I was still a Magian [he later converted to Islam]. When the Arabs sent their arrows against us, we began to shout “dūk, dūk” by which we meant spindles. These “spindles” continued to shower upon us until we were overwhelmed. One of our archers would shoot an arrow from his bow but it would do no more than attach itself to the garment of an Arab whereas their arrow would tear through a coat of mail and the double cuirass we had on.’ The superior power of Arab archery may have been an important factor in the success of Muslim troops here.
40
A soldier in the Persian army recalled, ‘I took part in the battle of Qādisiya when I was still a Magian [he later converted to Islam]. When the Arabs sent their arrows against us, we began to shout “dūk, dūk” by which we meant spindles. These “spindles” continued to shower upon us until we were overwhelmed. One of our archers would shoot an arrow from his bow but it would do no more than attach itself to the garment of an Arab whereas their arrow would tear through a coat of mail and the double cuirass we had on.’ The superior power of Arab archery may have been an important factor in the success of Muslim troops here.
It is clear from Muslim and non-Muslim sources alike that the Persians suffered a catastrophic defeat and that many Persian leaders, including Rustam himself, were killed. The
Shahnāmah
account has him dying heroically in single combat with Sa
c
d b. Abī Waqqās,
41
but the Arab sources know nothing of this, observing tersely that ‘his body was covered with so many blows and stabs that the identity of his killer could not be determined’.
42
After Qādisiya, central Iraq lay open to Muslim invasion.
Shahnāmah
account has him dying heroically in single combat with Sa
c
d b. Abī Waqqās,
41
but the Arab sources know nothing of this, observing tersely that ‘his body was covered with so many blows and stabs that the identity of his killer could not be determined’.
42
After Qādisiya, central Iraq lay open to Muslim invasion.
In the aftermath of the battle, Muslim troops pursued the fleeing Persians through the canals and palm groves of the Sawād. Crossing the waterways could cause problems, but after the victory at Qādisiya, local Persian landowners wisely offered their help to the Muslims, like Bistām, the
dehqān
of Burs, who built pontoon bridges across canals and sent back intelligence about the movement of the Persian forces. The disintegration of the Persian command left many locals with little alternative but to make what terms they could with the invaders.
dehqān
of Burs, who built pontoon bridges across canals and sent back intelligence about the movement of the Persian forces. The disintegration of the Persian command left many locals with little alternative but to make what terms they could with the invaders.
The Arab advanced guard caught up with the remnants of the Persian forces at Bābil, ancient Babylon. Here, by the mounds of the long-deserted capital of Hammurabi and Nebuchadnezzar, they defeated them ‘in less time than it takes to slip off one’s cloak’.
43
The surviving Persian commanders now scattered to try to coordinate resistance in the provinces. Fayzurān went to the little town of Nihāvand in the Zagros, ‘where the treasures of the Persian king were stored’, and began assembling an army. Hurmuzān fled south to the rich province of Khuzistān where he set about collecting taxes to finance resistance. Others fled along the main road to the capital at Ctesiphon.
44
43
The surviving Persian commanders now scattered to try to coordinate resistance in the provinces. Fayzurān went to the little town of Nihāvand in the Zagros, ‘where the treasures of the Persian king were stored’, and began assembling an army. Hurmuzān fled south to the rich province of Khuzistān where he set about collecting taxes to finance resistance. Others fled along the main road to the capital at Ctesiphon.
44
Along the road there were skirmishes and individual combats. Sayf b. Umar describes one such encounter between Shāhriyār, commander of a Persian rearguard force, and a Bedouin called Nā’il.
45
Both men approached on horseback:
45
Both men approached on horseback:
each had his spear. Both were of sturdy build except that Shāhriyār was ‘built like a camel’. When he saw Nā’il he flung his spear down in order to grab him by the neck. Nā’il did the same. They drew their swords and hacked at each other. Then they took each other by the throat and crashed down from their mounts. Shāhriyār fell on top of Nā’il like a ton of bricks and held him down under one thigh. He drew his dagger and started to undo Nā’il’s coat of mail. Shāhriyār’s thumb happened to land in Nā’il’s mouth and Nā’il crushed the bone with his teeth. He noticed a momentary slackening in his opponent’s assault and, attacking him furiously, whipped him off on to the ground, sat on his chest, drew his own dagger [
khanjar
] and tore Shāhriyār’s coat of mail from his belly. Then he stabbed him in the abdomen and side until he died. Nā’il took his horse, his bracelets and his spoils.
After this triumph, Sa
c
d rewarded Nā’il with the dead man’s equipment: ‘After you have put on this Persian’s bracelets, cloak and coat of mail, I want you to mount his horse.’ Bracelets were an important part of the accoutrements of Persian nobility
46
and Sa
c
d warned Nā’il to wear them only when he was going into battle. This story gives rich detail and a good fight scene, and it repeats the two themes we saw in the
Shahnāmah
: the superiority of the Persians’ military equipment and the Arabs’ rejection of their luxurious and effeminate ways.
c
d rewarded Nā’il with the dead man’s equipment: ‘After you have put on this Persian’s bracelets, cloak and coat of mail, I want you to mount his horse.’ Bracelets were an important part of the accoutrements of Persian nobility
46
and Sa
c
d warned Nā’il to wear them only when he was going into battle. This story gives rich detail and a good fight scene, and it repeats the two themes we saw in the
Shahnāmah
: the superiority of the Persians’ military equipment and the Arabs’ rejection of their luxurious and effeminate ways.
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