Rogue Nation: American Unilateralism and the Failure of Good Intentions (2003) (41 page)

So why not let them grow up into real adults or, as Ozawa would say, ‘normal countries’? Rather than object to an independent European Defense Force, why not welcome it and foster its development? We should relax restrictions on military technology flows to and from Europe, open Pentagon procurement to real European and Japanese participation, and encourage transnational consolidation of defense industries. The EU, of course, would have to agree to take complete responsibility for policing its own neighborhood in the case of future Kosovos or Bosnias. At the same time, we should consider revamping NATO to address more global issues. Why not let NATO patrol the oil routes and the Gulf? We would be part of it but not the only part. We could even lease a few carrier task forces to the Europeans. Beyond that, we could foster a truly common EU foreign and defense policy by declaring that we will deal only with the EU authorities on European defense and policy issues. This would end France’s nostalgic pretensions to great power status, and a single EU authority would likely be more congenial to overall U.S. interests. At the same time, the EU would have to take on the responsibilities as well as the priveleges of the real power it so badly wishes to become.

In the Far East, once the North Korean situation is under control, the United States should reduce its troop deployments to a token force if the Koreans want them or remove them completely if they do not. The South Korean army should be placed under Korean command at all times, and SOFA agreements altered to assure that the Korean legal system is fully respected. The same is true in Japan. As for the National Missile Defense, it has already been shown not to prevent rogue states like North Korea from causing trouble. At the same time it does incite China to increase its military capacity, something not at all in our interest. So we should just stop deployment and save ourselves a lot of money. As with Europe, the United States should insist that Japan grow up and become a normal, adult country. This means first of all ending the Cold War by revising the U.S.-Japan security treaty such that it ends the fantasyland environment created by unilateral U.S. guarantees of Japan’s security. A new arrangement should be mutual in terms both of responsibilities and decision-making power. Japan should be encouraged to end World War II by creating a formal commission to make a definitive statement on Japan’s view of the causes, responsibilities for, and consequences of the war. This statement could be the basis for all textbooks and other commentary, and could also resolve contentions over visists to Yasukuni shrine. Moreover, Japan should be encouraged to do likewise and to make full apologies where apologies are due and generous restitution where restitution is due, such as for instance to the surviving ‘comfort women’ (Korean and other women who were forced to serve as prostitutes to Japanese troops during the war)

Japan’s constitution was written by Americans. It is unnatural and leads to dishonest distortions of Japan’s political life domestically and internationally. The United States should encourage Japan to rethink it. As in Korea, U.S. troop levels should be drastically reduced. We should truly give Okinawa back to Japan. As for patrolling the western Pacific, the United States could propose a regional task force incorporating elements from the major countries in the area, including China.

The United States should make clear that it opposes any declaration of independence by Taiwan and would not defend Taiwan in the event of such a declaration. It should also make clear to mainland China that it would intervene in the event of an attack on Taiwan short of a Taiwanese declaration of independence, but at the same time it should refrain from further arms sales to and joint military activity with Taiwan. We should encourage further Taiwan-Beijing discussions aimed at achieving an internal modus vivendi. In our other dealings with China, we should take every opportunity to accord China the recognition and respect it craves.

For example, Russia is included in what was the G-7, and is now the G-8, group of the world’s leading economic powers, whose leaders conduct periodic summit meetings to devise global economic strategies. Chinas economy is far larger than Russia’s and its international currency reserves dwarf the Russian reserves. Why not include China? In fact, who not include China and India and make it a G-10?

The United States should immediately sign onto the Kyoto treaty, the landmine treaty, and the International Criminal Court. It should also review carefully its position on the other treaties discussed above and make a serious effort to sign if at all possible. We should also pay our dues to all international bodies of which we are members such as the UN. This should be coupled with a serious effort at reducing greenhouse gas emissions and reducing energy use. There is no reason why America can’t adopt many of the measures already working in other industrialized countries. The Bush administration’s proposed increase of more than a billion dollars in funding for hydrogen energy research is a step in the right direction. But if we can offer $30 billion for base rights in Turkey, it would seem logical to think in terms of similar sums to ensure that we don’t have to depend on the energy suppliers who make these wars necessary. A Manhattan project for alternative energy is long overdue.

In view of the fact that we already spend more on defense than the next fifteen countries combined, it is likely that the very existence of this concentration of power adds to pressures for others to increase military spending. As we gradually shift burdens to others, so should we plan for a gradual reduction in defense spending. Japan has for years been trying to raise its spending at our behest to a target of 1 percent of GDP. Perhaps we could set a target of 2 to 2.5 percent of GDP toward which to descend over time. The savings could be transferred to aid, disease control, and support of other international efforts, moving us back toward the balances of 1948.

The procedure of American foreign policy badly needs to be reviewed. It is terribly damaging when one or two powerful congressional chairpersons can dictate U.S. policy, despite a lack of significant public support. Even more importantly, the question of who decides when America goes to war desperately needs to be clarified. Congress seems to be less and less involved. But America was not meant to be run by a Caesar. Doing all this would greatly reduce U.S. exposure and costs while improving our relations with many key areas of the world. It would allow us to turn our attention to the two crises, currently invisible over the horizon, that need to be dealt with now; if not, they will make the violence of the twentieth century look like kindergarten.

The first is globalization. Despite the hoopla about its wonders, it is clear that the ‘golden straitjacket’ is not working, or at least not as the textbooks say it should. Countries like Mexico that are doing all the supposedly right things are falling behind. A conservative government should be against subsidies, and we need to stop subsidizing American cotton farmers so they can drive West African farmers out of business. The impact of China on other developing countries needs to be carefully analyzed, and appropriate polices devised to assure that countries like Mexico and Indonesia aren’t the victims of China’s development. It is clear that simply opening markets and waiting for free trade to solve problems frequently doesn’t work. We need to give serious attention to the infrastructure and human capital and adjustment needs of the major developing areas. If economic development doesn’t work, all the laser bombs and missile defenses in the world won’t protect us, particularly because, while globalization may not automatically lead to development, it does let everybody see how others are living.

Even while we struggle to make globalization work, however, we need urgently to address more basic issues. In his recent State of the Union message, President Bush surprised everyone by announcing a $ 15 billion program to fight AIDS in Africa. It is a step in the right direction, but only a step. The devastation of AIDS in Africa has gotten some attention as infection rates have reached more than 40 percent in some countries, and the death count in sub-Saharan Africa has reached more than 2 million annually.
 13 
But even more ominous news has gotten little attention. Does anyone know that nearly everyone in West Africa has some form of malaria?
 14 
Or that tuberculosis is epidemic in much of the world, infecting more people than those who are suffering from AIDS?

What about issues like water, deforestation, desertification, soil depletion, and overpopulation? Is anyone at the National Security Council contemplating the possibility of war over water between our allies Turkey and Israel? Turkey’s Ataturk Dam will soon control the flow of much of the water supply from its mountains to the countries to the south. According to the site manager, the flow of water to Syria and Iraq can be stopped for up to eight months.
 15 
Who is keeping track of the fact that by 2025 a third of the world’s population will face water scarcity? Look at Pakistan, already one of the most dangerous countries on earth, with a congeries of ethnic groups increasingly influenced by Taliban-like elements and in possession of nuclear bombs and the ballistic missiles to deliver them. Nearly two-thirds of its land is dependent on intensive irrigation that is increasingly difficult to maintain because of extensive deforestation and rapid population growth. The country is heavily dependent on the Indus River, but so is India, which suffers from exactly the same problems on a larger scale. Already at the nuclear ready over Kashmir, what will these two countries do when the water runs out?

Deforestation has reduced Sierra Leone’s primary rain forest from 60 percent of the country to 6 percent, while in China deforestation has led to increased flooding, topsoil erosion, and exhaustipn of wells. As a result, arable land per capita has declined rapidly. Large-scale population movement is already a major problem in China, as people try to escape from the interior to the booming coastal areas.
 16 
Is anyone in Washington thinking about how to help China with this problem? The answer is made dramatically clear in our budget, which mandates an increase of more than $50 billion for the Pentagon while aid and development programs continue to languish at $16.8 billion.
 17 

I know it’s an alien concept for Americans, but sometimes smaller really is better and less really is more. A strategy of making our power safe for others, even of diminishing our relative power, of granting others the dignity of being treated like adults and of cooperating and sharing responsibility, will pay off in many ways. It will lower our profile and make us one among many targets rather than the only target. It will force others to understand our perspective by shouldering responsibilities more like ours. It will reduce envy and resentment by granting others greater equality. It will be much less costly because we won’t have to control and pay for everything. It will mean sharing some power, but the Declaration of Independence was about liberty and the pursuit of happiness, not the pursuit of power, and the Constitution was about controlling and limiting power. America was not designed to be an empire.

If we are to adopt this unprecedented strategy of diminishing our geopolitical power, we must address one last thing – the creed. We are a well-intentioned people who have been blessed by fortune. We have an admirable democracy, but it is not the only possible democracy and not always the best possible democracy. We have a very successful economy, but so do others, and ours is not in all ways the best. We have a good system of justice with much to admire, but so do others, and ours is not always the best.

It has been a long journey of reading and experience that has brought me to this point. I always wanted to believe that America was purest and best in everything. So I can imagine that you, the reader, may be struggling with some of this. But the only way for America to be what I think is her ultimate, true self is to know and acknowledge the truth. And the truth will make her free and what she ought to be. In other words, we need to rethink American exceptionalism. Part of the shock of September 11 was the shattering of the myth that bad things happen only to other people. It was the shock of joining the world. It doesn’t mean that we should be fatalistic, but in an age of globalization we need to recognize that others’ problems are our problems too and that we don’t have all the answers. Particularly, I would like to remind my fellow Christians of the words of Oliver Cromwell, who enjoined in a letter to the Church of Scotland: ‘in the bowels of Christ, please believe that you may be wrong.’
 18 
As an elder of the Presbyterian Church, I want to emphasize that Christ was not about nations and power, and did not spread his gospel by force. When asked about taxes, he said, ‘render unto Caesar what is Caesar’s and unto God what is God’s.’ Christ saved the souls of individuals, one by one. The salvation of the churches of America has been the separation of Church and state. In view of the demise of the churches of Europe in the bear hug of the state, we Christians should avoid, rather than embrace, closer connections between Church and state here in America. Politicians who use God as a prop for their campaigns should remember that ‘God is not mocked.’ An America that stressed its tolerance rather than its might, its tradition of open inquiry rather than its way of life, and that asked for God’s blessing on all the world’s people and not just its own, would be the America the world desperately wants. It would be something else too. I’ll never forget my first glimpse of the Italian town of Assisi, home of St. Francis. As I turned a curve in the road just before sunset, there it was, white and shimmering on the hill.

NOTES

CHAPTER 1

1.  ‘A Dirty Business: Mr. Bush Has Put U.S. Credibility on the Line.’
Guardian
. March 30, 2001, p.  21

2.  Colombani, Jean-Marie. ‘Nous sommes tous Americains.’
Le Monde
. Paris, France, September 13, 2001

3.  All interviews in this book were conducted between April 2001 and October 2002, in the United States, Europe, Latin America, and Asia. Those not mentioned by name have requested to remain anonymous

4.  Constantine, Gus. ‘Taiwan Praised Bush Vow To Do ‘Whatever It Takes.’’
Washington Times
, May 4, 2001. p. A1

5.  ‘Swedish Host Blasts Wrong Policies on Environment,’ AP Canadian Press. June 14,2001

6.  Pew Research Center for the People and the Press.
What the World Thinks in 2002: How Global Publics View: Their Lives, Their Countries, The World, America
. December 2002.

CHAPTER 2

1.  Bacevich, Andrew J.
American Empire: The Realties and Consequences of U.S. Diplomacy
. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002, p. 122

2.  Ibid, p. 8

3.  Ibid., p. 7

4.  Huntington, Samuel P. ‘The Lonely Superpower.’
Foreign Affairs
. March⁄April 1999, p. 38

5.  Speech by George W. Bush. ‘A Distinctly American Internationalism.’ Simi Valley, California, November 19, 1999; and Bacevich, p. 201

6.  The Pew Research Center for the People & the Press, ‘What the World Thinks in 2002,’p. 70-71

7.  President Bush commencement speech at West Point Academy, June 1, 2002; www.whitehouse.gov⁄news⁄releases⁄2002⁄06⁄20020601-3.html

8.  The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. The White House, September 2002; http:⁄⁄usinfo.state.gov⁄topical⁄pol⁄terror⁄secstrat.htm#nssintro

9.  Armstrong, David. ‘Dick Cheney’s Song of America: Drafting a Plan for Global Dominance.’
Harper’s
. October 1, 2002. Vol. 305, N°1824, p. 76-82

10.  ‘Present at the Creation: A Survey of America’s World Role.’
The Economist
. June 29, 2002, p. 5

11.  Kristol, Irving. ‘The Emerging American Empire.’ American Enterprise Institute, Washington, DC. August 18, 1997

12.  Kennedy, Paul. ‘The Eagle Has Landed. ‘
Financial Times
. February 2, 2002, p. l

13.  Johnson, Chalmers.
Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire
. New York: Henry Holt and Co, 2000, p. 36

14.  Wolffe, Richard. ‘Technology Brings Power with Few Constraints.’
Financial Times
. February 18, 2002, p. 4

15.  ‘Present at the Creation.’
The Economist
. June 29, 2002

16.  Global Financial Profile Fact Sheet: Report of the High-Level Panel on Financing for Development; www.un.org⁄reports⁄financing⁄profile.htm; and Quick Facts: Market Capitalization, www.nyse.com⁄marketinfo⁄marketcapitalization.html

17.  ‘Present at the Creation.’
The Economist
. June 29, 2002; and Owen, Geoffrey, ‘Entrepreneurship in UK biotechnology: the role of public policy.’ The Diebold Institute, 2001

18.  Barber, Benjamin R.
Jihad Vs. McWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism Are Reshaping the World
. New York: Ballantine Books, 1996, p. 97-99, and Appendix B

19.  ‘The Acceptability of American Power.’
The Economist
. June 29, 2002

20.  Sherman, Wendy R. ‘Listen to the South, and Talk to the North.’
Washington Post
. December 24, 2002. p. A15

21.  Ozawa, Ichiro.
Blueprint for a New Japan
. Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., 1994. Published in Japan in June 1993

22.  Kristol

23.  Institute of International Education. ‘Matching Last Year’s Increase as Highest Growth Since 1980.’ November 18, 2002; www.iie.org⁄Content⁄ContentGroups⁄Announcements⁄International_Student_Enrollment_in_U_S_ Rose_6_4%25_In_2001_2002.htm

24.  Jayadev, Raj. ‘Silicon Valley Entrepreneurs Needed: ‘Where Are You When the S. Asian Community Needs You?’’ Pacific News Service, November 23, 2001

25.  Barber, p. 69

26.  McDougall, Walter A.
Promised Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World Since 1776
. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1997

27.  McDougall, p. 112

28.  McDougall, p. 147

29.  Truman, Harry S. Address before Joint Session of Congress, March 12, 1947

30.  Higgs, Robert. ‘US Military Spending in the Cold War Era: Opportunity Costs, Foreign Crises, and Domestic Constraints.’
Policy Analysis
, November 1998, Vol.114

31.  Neikirk, William, and David S. Cloud. ‘Clinton: Abuses put China ‘on wrong side of history,’ Beijing to limit arms sales.’
Chicago Tribune
. October 30, 1997

32.  Harris, John F. ‘Jiang Earns Clinton’s High Praise; At Trip’s End, Optimism About China’s Future.’
Washington Post
. July 4, 1998, p. A1

33.  Gingrich, Newt.
To Renew America
. New York: Harper Collins, 1995

34.  Condoleeza Rice’s speech before the Los Angeles World Affairs Council, January 15, 1999. www.lawac.org⁄speech⁄rice.html

35.  Friedman, Thomas L. ‘A Manifesto for the Fast World.’
New York Times Magazine
. March 28, 1999, p. 3

36.  Bacevich, p. 127; and William J. Clinton,
National Strategy for a New Century
, Washington, DC: DIANE Publishing, 1998, p. 8

37.  Second Presidential Debate, Wake Forest University, October 11, 2000

38.  Niebuhr, Reinhold.
Moral Man and Immoral Society: A Study of Ethics and Politics
. New York: Scribners, 1932, p. 294

39.  Chesterton, G.K.
What I Saw in America
. New York: Dodd, Mead & Co, 1992, p. 7

40.  Huntington, Samuel P. ‘The Erosion of American National Interests.’
Foreign Affairs
. September⁄October 1997, Vol.76, N°5

41.  Lipset, Seymour Martin.
American Exceptionalism: A Double-Edged Sword
. New York⁄London: W.W. Norton, 1996, p. 19

42.  National address by President George W. Bush, September 11, 2001

43.  Emerson, Ralph Waldo.
War
. Boston, MA: March 1838

44.  Turner, Frederick Jackson.
The Frontier in American History
. New York: Henry Holt, 1921, p. 37

45.  ‘In Praise of the Unspeakable – Business People and Philanthropy.’
The Economist
. July 20, 2002, p. 28

46.  U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, National Center for Health Statistics Web site: www.cdc.gov⁄nchs⁄fastats⁄homicide.htm

47.  ‘Americas tough crime policy is having unintended consequences.’
The Economist. August
10,2002

48.  Allen, Steven Robert. ‘The United Police States of America.’
Weekly Alibi
. March 9-15, 2000, www.alibi.com⁄alibi⁄2000-03-09⁄edit.html; and
The Punishing Decade: Prison and Jail Estimates at the Millennium
. Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute. May 2000

49.  Current Population Survey Annual Demographic Survey, March Supplement. Table 1. ‘Age, Sex, Household Relationship, Race and Hispanic Origin – Poverty Status of People by Selected Characteristics in 1998.’ U.S. Census Bureau, revised Dec. 15, 1999

50.  Worth, Robert. ‘A Nation Challenged: Intelligence; Agents Wanted. Should Speak Pashto.’
New York Times
. October 1, 2001, p. B7

51.  Marquis, Christopher. ‘More Say Yes to Foreign Service, but Not to Hardship Assignments.’
New York Times
. July 22, 2002, p. Al

52.  Bonner, Raymond. ‘Pakistani Schools: Meager Fare for Hungry Minds.’
New York Times
. March 31, 2002, p. 3

53.  Dao, James. ‘Over US Protest, Asian Group Approves Family Planning Goals.’
New York Times
. December 18, 2002, p. A7

54.  Wills, Gary. ‘Bully of the Free World.’
Foreign Affairs
. March⁄April 1999, Vol.78, No.2

55.  Huntington

56.  Haass, Richard N. ‘Defining U.S. Foreign Policy in a Post-Post-Cold War World.’ Foreign Policy Association, The 2002 Arthur Ross Lecture. New York. April 22, 2002

57.  Nye, Joseph S. Jr.
Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power
. New York: Basic Books, 1991 (Reprint Edition)

58.  Montesquieu, Charles Louis.
Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and Their Decline
. Trans. David Lowenthal. New York: The Free Press, 1965, Chapter 6 – The Conduct the Romans Used to Subjugate All People

59.  J.R. (John Robert) Sir Seeley (1834-1895) British classicist, historian.
The Expansion of England
, Lecture 1 (1883); www.bartleby.com⁄66⁄58⁄48958.html

60.  Paterson, Thomas G. and Dennis Merrill.
Major Problems in American Foreign Relations
, Vol. 1: To 1920, 4
th
Ed. Lexington, MA: D.C. Heath and Co., 1989

61.  Prowse, Michael. ‘Greedy bosses, lying politicians and cheating teachers.’
Financial Times
. June 15, 2002, p. 2

62.  National Home Education Research Institute, ‘Facts on Home Schooling’; August 1999

63.  Friedman, p. 40

64.  The Pew Research Center for the People & the Press

65.  APEC CEO Summit 2002 Report: Challenges for Development in an Era of Un-certaintly. APEC CEO Summit, Mexico, October 2002

66.  Hirsh, Michael. ‘Bush and the World.’
Foreign Affairs
. September⁄October 2002, p. 18.

CHAPTER 3

1.  Chanda, Nayan. ‘Economic Survey: Rebuilding Asia.’
Far Eastern Economic Review
. February 12, 1998

2.  Stiglitz, Joseph.
Globalization and Its Discontents
. New York: W.W. Norton, 2002, p. 93

3.  Warde, Ibrahim. ‘Crony Capitalism: LTCM, A Hedge Fund Above Suspicion.’
Le Monde Diplomatique
. November 1998; www.mondediplo.com⁄1998⁄ll⁄ 05warde2

4.  Keto, Alex. ‘White House Watch: Bush Calls for Fast-Track Authority.’ Dow Jones News Service. May 7, 2001

5.  Toedtman, James. ‘Powell: Trade Is Vital in War on Terrorism.’
Newsday
. February 2, 2002

6.  Thurow, Roger and Scott Kilman. ‘Hanging by a Thread: In U.S., Cotton Farmers Thrive; In Africa, They Fight to Survive – America’s Subsidies Depress World Prices, Undermining Its Foreign-Policy Goals.’ Sowing Seeds of Frustration.
Wall Street Journal
, June 26, 2002, p. 1

7.  ‘Production to Rise in 2003⁄04.’ International Cotton Advisory Committee. February 3, 2003

8.  Badiane, Ouemane, Dhaneshwar Ghura, Louis Goreux, and Paul Masson.
Cotton Sector Strategies in West and Central Africa
. World Bank Policy Research. July 2002

9.  Thurow, Roger, and Scott Kilman. p. 1

10.  Hufbauer, Gary Clyde, and Ben Goodrich. ‘Time for a Grand Bargain in Steel?’
International Economic Policy Brief
, January 2002, Vol.2, No.1, Table 5

11.  Hufbauer, Gary Clyde and Ben Goodrich

12.  Howell, Thomas, William A. Noellert, Jesse G. Kreier, and Alan W. Wolff.
Steel and the State: Government Intervention and Steel’s Structural Crisis
. Boulder, CO: West-view Press, 1988

13.  Statistics calculated from data collected by the International Iron and Steel Institute. May 2002

14.  ‘Table 1. Output per hour in manufacturing, 14 countries or areas, 1950-2001.’ U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics. September 2002; www.bls.gov⁄news.release⁄prod4.t01.htm

15.  For a more thorough account of the steel industry, I highly recommend Thomas R. Howell’s book,
Steel and the State: Government Intervention and Steel’s Structural Crisis
. See note N°12

16.  Seeman, Roderick.
The Japan Lawletter
. April 1983; www.japanlaw.com⁄lawlet-ter⁄april83⁄bed.htm

17.  May, Bernhard. ‘The Marshall Plan: Historical Lessons and Current Challenges in the Balkans,’ German Council on Foreign Relations; www.dgap. org⁄ marshallplan.html, February 14, 2003

18.  ‘The History of American Technology: The Automobile Industry, 1940-1959.’ web. bryant.edu⁄-history⁄h364material⁄cars⁄cars_60.htm

19.  ‘Mexico-EU, Mexico Ranks Seven in World’s Trade in 1998.’ EFE News Service. May 5, 1999

20.  World Data Profile. The World Bank Group, April 2002. devdata.worldbank.org

21.  ‘COFACE to Purchase CAN Credit Business Line in North America.’
PR Line
. November 18, 2002

22.  Hutton, Will.
The World We’re In
. London: Little, Brown, 2002. p. 186

23.  Calculated from official U.S. government trade statistics

24.  Associated Press. ‘Policing the Net.’ CBS News. November 22, 2001

25.  Lavelle, Louis, with Frederick Jesperson and Michael Arndt. ‘Executive Pay.’
Business Week
. April 15, 2002, p. 80

26.  Friedman, Tom. ‘Foreign Affairs: Big Mac I.’
New York Times
. December 8, 1996

27.  ‘Inside a Chinese Sweatshop: A Life of Fines and Beating.’
Business Week
. October 2, 2000, p. 86

28.  Economy, Elizabeth. ‘Painting China Green: The Next Sino-American Tussle.’
Foreign Affairs
. March 1, 1999, Vol.78, No.2, p. 16

29.  Bonner, Raymond. ‘Indonesia’s Forests Go Under the Axe for Flooring.’
New York Times
. September 13, 2002, p. A3

30.  Cookson, Clive. ‘Fish Stocks Face Global Collapse.’
Financial Times
. February 18, 2002

31.  ‘A Few Green Shoots: The World Summit in Johannesburg.’
The Economist
. August 31, 2002, p. 59

32.  Soloman, Jay. ‘How Mr. Bambang Markets Big Macs in Muslim Indonesia.’
The Asian Wall Street Journal
. October 29, 2001

33.  Basu, Kaushik. ‘Globalization and Its Threat to Democracy.’
The Straits Times
. May 3, 2002