Proving Woman (55 page)
Authors: Dyan Elliott
76
William of Auvergne,
De universo
pt. 2, 3, c. 18, in
Opera
, 1:1050. The person would also be left with the same horrible expression that William associates with demonic possession.
Cf. Peter d’Ailly,
De falsis prophetis
, in
Joannis Gersonii opera
, tract 2, 1:535–36, 539. Peter seems to follow William of Auvergne quite closely in this discussion. See Richard Kieckhefer,
Magic in
the Middle Ages
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 158–59. The inquisitors of heresy also prosecuted magicians. See ibid.,
pp. 190–92.
77
William of Auvergne,
De universo
pt. 2, 3, c. 13, in
Opera
, 1:1041.
78
William of Auvergne,
De universo
pt. 3, 2, c. 36, in
Opera
, 1:881. Angelic possession is considerably more gentle since angels are the friends of humanity. Cf. pt. 2, 3, c. 13, p.
1042. Note the change in Magdalena Beutler’s voice (chap. 5, p. 198, above).
79
William of Auvergne,
De universo
pt. 2, 3, c. 152, in
Opera
, 1:1002; cf.
De apibus
2.57.19, pp. 550–51.
80
John Nider,
Formicarium
3.1 (Douai: B. Belleri, 1602), pp. 183–84.
81
SVMO
, p. 576, trans. King, pp. 15–16;
VMO
, pp. 553, 558, trans. King, pp. 29, 48–49. On a similar note, she could also discern whether or not a priest communicated
unworthily (
VMO
, p. 563; trans. King, p. 70).
82
See
VMO
, p. 563, trans. King, pp. 68–69; cf.
Die Wundergeschicten des Caesarius von Heisterbach
, ed. Alfons Hilka (Bonn: Peter Hanstein, 1933), no. 161, 1:128. Also see Ernest McDonnell,
The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture
(New York: Octagon, 1969), p. 329.
83
The period in question covers the first part of her vita, which chronicles her visions from 31 October 1395 to 18 January
1396. See Le Graveur,
Entre Dieu et Satan
, for visions of her confessor (pp. 55, 62, 65); her husband (pp. 56, 62); compatriots (pp. 57, 63, 69); Saints Leger (p.
58), Andrew (p. 59), John the Baptist (p. 60), Mary Magdalene (p. 66), Peter (p. 70); the departed friend (p. 61); angels
(pp. 64–65). Other saints were also tested by demonic doubles of their confessors. See, for example, a case in the life of
Frances of Rome, discussed in Dyan Elliott, “
Dominae or Dominatae
? Female Mysticism and the Trauma of Textuality,” in
Women, Marriage,
and Family in Medieval Christendom
, ed. Constance Rousseau and Joel Rosenthal (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1998), pp. 47–48.
84
Le Graveur,
Entre Dieu et Satan
, pp. 64, 65. However, as a result of her multiple ordeals, and, as her confessor tells us, out of modesty, she was never
exactly certain when she was the recipient of a visitation from good spirits. This comment comes at the end of a vision of
a woman claiming to be Mary Magdalene, and whose identity is not satisfactorily resolved. Intially, Ermine assumes that Magdalene
and her angelic host are frauds; then, after several hours of conversing, she begins to waver (ibid., p. 80). Note that Ermine
refers to her supernatural guest as the white lady (
blanche dame
); cf. n. 88, below.
85
See
Legenda trium sociorum
c. 5, in
Fontes Franciscani
, ed. Enrico Menesto` and Stefano Brufani (Assisi: Edizioni Porziuncola, 1995), pp. 1385–86; ed. and trans. in
St. Francis of Assisi:
Writings and Early Biographies
, ed. Marion Habig (Chicago: Franciscan Herald, 1973), pp. 903–4. On the phenomenon of the talking image, see AndréVauchez,
“L’Image vivante: Quelques réflexions sur les fonctions des représentations iconographiques dans le domaine religieux en Occident
aux derniers sie`cles du Moyen Age,” in
Biedni i Bogaci: Studia z
dziejo
è
w spo3eczen è stwa
i kultury ofiarowane Bronis3awowi Geremkowi w szes è c è dziesia
2
ta
2
rocznice
2
urodzin
(Warsaw: Wy-dawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 1992), esp. pp. 235–36.
86
Enrico Menesto`, ed.,
Il processo di canonizzazione di Chiara da Montefalco
(Regione dell’Umbria: La Nuova Italia, 1984), Sr. Johanna, art. 86, pp. 42–43; Br. Franchischus, art. 86, p. 280. According
to both Franchischus and Johanna, Clare associated this episode with the rise of the Free Spirit movement in Italy, against
which Clare was active. For Clare’s efforts against the Free Spirit movement, including her collaboration with the inquisitors,
see Sr. Johanna, art. 88, pp. 45–46, art. 112, p. 57, art. 114, pp. 57–59; Sr. Thomassa, art. 112, pp. 224–25, art. 114, p.
226, art. 115, pp. 226–27; Br. Franchischus, art. 112, pp. 287–91.
87
Prior Peter Olafson and Master Peter Olafson,
Vita b. Brigide
c. 71, ed. Isak Collijn,
Acta et
processus canonizacionis Beate Birgitte
(Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells, 1924–31), p. 96; trans. Albert Kezel,
Birgitta of Sweden: Life and Selected Revelations
(New York: Paulist Press, 1990), p. 94.
88
See Pierre Tisset, ed.,
Proc[egrave]s de condamnation de Jeanne d’Arc
(Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck, 1960), 1:104–5, 116, 256. Catherine claimed to receive nocturnal visits from a beautiful
lady in white (
domina alba
). When Joan stayed awake in order to verify this, the supernatural visitor did not materialize.
89
Ibid., pp. 81–82; also see Tisset’s historical commentary, 3:114–17.
90
See Caroline Walker Bynum,
Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Signi
fi
cance of Food
to Medieval Women
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987), p. 228.
91
See Bernard of Clairvaux’s Serm. 23 (
De discretione spirituum
or
De septem spiritibus
), in
PL
183, cols. 600–603; idem, Serm. 32,
PL
183, cols. 945–51. Richard of Saint Victor,
Benjamin
minor
c. 66,
PL
196, cols. 47–51. Bernard’s approach is not very systematic and the term “discernment” is loosely applied. For instance, one
of its functions is to distinguish which of the Holy Spirit’s gifts are for ourselves, and which are for others (Serm. 88,
PL
183, cols. 706–7). For Richard, discernment is more a virtue that enables self-knowledge than a way of distinguishing the
inspiration behind visions.
92
James of Vitry, selections from his
Sermones vulgares
, in
Analecta Novissima Spicilegii
Solesmensis altera continuatio
, ed. J. B. Pitra, vol. 2,
Tusculana
(Paris: Roger and Chernowitz, 1888), serm. 29, pp. 384–85.
93
John of Marienwerder,
Septilimium B. Dorotheae
5.1, ed. Franz Hipler,
AB
4 (1885): 216.
94
Bridget repeatedly ran away from the visionary Christ, thereby testing the truth of the revelation (see the life by Prior
Peter Olafson from Alvastra and by Master Peter Olafson from Skän-ninge, which was included in Bridget’s process of canonisation,
Collijn,
Acta et processus canonizacionis
beate Birgitte
, pp. 80–81; trans. Kezel,
Birgitta of Sweden
, pp. 77–78). Book 5 of her
Revelationes
also focuses on the figure of an interrogating friar, whom she recognizes as a kindof demonic tempter. See the epigraph to
chap. 7, below. On instruction in spiritual discernment in Bridget’s writings, see Rosalynn Voaden,
God
’
s Words, Women
’
s Voices: The Discernment of Spirits
in the Writing of Late-Medieval Women Visionaries
(Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 1999), pp. 100–104. On the discernment to which Bridget’s revelations were subjected, both
by herself and by her clerical entourage, see Claire Sahlin,
Birgitta of Sweden and the Voice of Prophecy
(Wood-bridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2001), pp. 117–20. Catherine of Siena addresses an aspect of discernment. But, paralleling
authorities like Cassian, she understands discernment not primarily in terms of distinguishing Satanic impulses but in the
sense of the regulatory virtue of discretion. See particularly her
Libro della divina dottrina volgarmente detto Dialogo della Divina Provvidenza
c. 9–11, ed. Mathilde Fiorilli, 2d. ed. (Bari: G. Laterza and Sons, 1928), pp. 21–28; trans. Suzanne Noffke,
Catherine of Siena: The Dialogue
(New York: Paulist Press, 1980), pp. 39–45.
95
Also note later treatises by Bernardino of Siena (d. 1444),
De inspirationum discretione
, in
Opera omnia
, ed. Fathers of the College of Saint Bonaventure (Florence: College of Saint Bona-venture, 1959), 6:243–90; and Denis the
Carthusian,
De discretione et examinatione spirituum
, in
D. Dionysi Cartusiani opera omnia in unum corpus digesta
, vol. 4,
Opera minora
(Tournai: Typis Carthusiae S. M. de Pratis, 1911), 8:267–319. Bernardino’s treatise is rather derivative of general teaching
on this subject. Denis’s work is especially indebted to Gerson’s writings. In addition to specific treatises, monastic chroniclers
never ceased to relay the patristic tales that concerned spiritual discernment. See, for example, Jordan of Saxony’s history
of the Augustinian Hermits in
Liber Vitasfratrum
4.11, ed. Rudolph Arbesmann and Winfrid Hümpfner (New York: Cosmopolitan Science, 1943), pp. 426–30.
96
See Wendy Love’s discussion of Langenstein and d’Ailly in “Free Spirits, Presumptuous Women, and False Prophets: The Discernment
of Spirits in the Late Middle Ages” (Ph.D. diss., Divinity School, University of Chicago, 2002), pp. 208–33. (The dissertation
was only recently made known to me by Brian McGuire, to whom I am grateful.) For the argument that Gerson’s interest preceded
that of his mentor, Peter d’Ailly, see chap. 7, n. 6, below.
97
Henry of Friemar is named regent in the various documents he witnessed between 1307 and 1309, among which are the trials
of the Templars and the trial of Marguerite Porete (see Glorieux,
Litt
è
rature quodlib
è
tique
, 2:130).
98
Henry of Friemar,
Tractatus de quatuor instinctibus
, in
Insignis atque preclarus de deliciis
sensibilibus paradisi liber: cum singulari tractatu de quatuor instinctibus
(Venice: Iacobus Pentius, 1498), 57v–68r. See Clemens Stroick,
Heinrich von Friemar
(Freiburg: Herder, 1954), pp. 1–27 for his life; for the manuscript tradition of this work, see pp. 36–37. Also see Konrad
Gesner,
Bibliotheca instituta et collecta, primum a Conrado Gesnero
, ed. Johannes Jacobus Frisius (Zurich: C. Froschovervs, 1583), p. 334. Henry had a reputation for profound devotion and learning
among his confreres. According to Jordan of Saxony, the chronicler of the order, Henry would often become rapt with devotion
in the course of saying mass: his face would become red as a seraph’s, tears would stream from his eyes, and onlookers would
be profoundly moved. He was also alleged to be a zealous scholar who was still hard at work well into his seventies. When
the other brothers jokingly asked if he had not learned enough at Paris, Henry allegedly responded, “ ‘If I had one foot in
the grave, I would wish to learn up until then’ ” (Jordan of Saxony,
Liber
Vitasfratrum
2.18, 2.22; pp. 204–5, 238). Henry was also known for his impeccable preparation for saying mass. He would say the canonical
hours, his own special prayers, and go to confession—even if he was aware of no particular sin.
99
Henry of Friemar,
Tractatus de quatuor instinctibus
, fols. 59r–62r.
100
Ibid., fol. 62v.
101
Ibid., fol. 63r.
102
Ibid., fol. 63v.
103
Ibid., fol. 64r.
104
Ibid., fol. 65r.
105
Ibid., fol. 67r.
106
Ibid., fol. 64v.
107
Henry of Langenstein,
De discretione spirituum
c. 1–2, in
Heinrichs von Langenstein
“
Unterscheidung
der Geister
”
Lateinisch und Deutsch
, ed. Thomas Hohman (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1977), pp. 52–58. The treatise was written in 1383. Its probable influence on
Gerson is discussed below. But it was widely used in Denis the Carthusian’s treatise on spiritual discernment, written in
1433. For a brief account of Henry’s life, see the entry by Fran ç ois Vandenbroucke,
DS
, 7,1, cols. 215–19.
108
Henry of Langenstein,
De discretione spirituum
c. 12, pp. 108–10.
109
Ibid. c. 4, p. 72; also see pp. 74, 76.
110
Ibid. c. 2, p. 60; c. 3, p. 64.
111
Ibid. c. 4, p. 74.
112
Ibid. c. 3, p. 69; c. 4, p. 70.
113
Ibid. c. 9, pp. 98 ff.
114
Ibid. c. 13, p. 114.
115
Peter d’Ailly,
De falsis prophetis
, tract 1, col. 503.
116
Ibid., col. 501.
117
Ibid., col. 503. Cf. Gregory the Great’s gloomy anticipation of precisely this situation in the epigraph to the section “Orthodox
Heretic, Heretical Martyr” in chap. 4, above.
118
Ibid., tract 2 , col. 521.
119
Ibid., col. 523.
120
Ibid., tract 1, col. 505; tract. 2, col. 512; tract 2, col. 528; on how demons know the future, see tract 2, cols. 564 ff.
121
Ibid., tract 2, cols. 579, 581. On the various ways of seeing the future and the demonic contribution, see cols. 541–54.