On the Brink (28 page)

The company’s immediate difficulties stemmed from the fact that it had written huge amounts of credit default swap insurance on obligations backed by mortgages. Those contracts included triggers: if AIG got downgraded, it had to post additional collateral. AIG’s collateral requirements also depended on the fair market value of the securities it insured, which was eroding with the declining housing market. In this Saturday meeting, Doug Braunstein, AIG’s financial adviser from JPMorgan, described AIG’s books as aggressively marked.

“What do you mean by aggressively?” I asked.

“The opposite of conservatively,” the veteran banker shot back quickly.

Not long afterward, I shared my concerns about Lehman with Josh Bolten at the White House. “This is one of the most difficult situations I could have imagined,” I said. “There’s a big difference between what Lehman assets were marked at and what the buyers are willing to pay.”

Josh got an earful from me as I explained the other two balls we were juggling in New York. We had gone into the weekend to save Lehman Brothers, and now AIG was facing a liquidity crisis that had put it on the verge of bankruptcy, and we had become concerned enough about Merrill Lynch to urge John Thain to sell that firm.

Meantime, the CEOs and their teams were all working hard. It was an amazing scene, all these financial industry executives reviewing spreadsheets, crunching numbers, trying to devise a solution. Rivals from different firms were working together. Senior traders sat at one set of tables, figuring out how to net out firms’ exposures if Lehman went down. In another area, people studied Lehman’s private-equity portfolio, trying to get a handle on the losses their firms would have to absorb if they lent money against it. It was inspiring to see all these fierce competitors trying to save a rival.

By evening the CEOs had agreed to support in principle a proposal under which Barclays would leave behind a pile of bad real estate and private-equity investments and wipe out Lehman’s preferred and common shareholders. To make the deal work, Barclays wanted the consortium of Wall Street firms to agree to loan up to $37 billion to a special purpose vehicle that would hold the assets. These had been carried by Lehman at $52 billion, but after their analyses the firms estimated their value at closer to $27 billion to $30 billion. The firms stood to lose collectively up to $10 billion. Barclays was also going to contribute some of its own shares, which would reduce the loss to the firms. It would still cost them dearly, but Lehman would be saved.

I left the New York Fed before 9:00 p.m. optimistic about the prospects for a deal. The industry was doing its part to come up with funding, and I had reason to believe we would find a solution to Barclays’s need for a shareholder vote.

Anticipating another sleep-deprived night, I arrived back at the hotel exhausted. I went into the bathroom of my room and pulled out a bottle of sleeping pills I’d been given in Washington. As a Christian Scientist, I don’t take medication, but that night I desperately needed rest.

I stood under the harsh bathroom lights, staring at the small pill in the palm of my hand. Then I flushed it—and the contents of the entire bottle—down the toilet. I longed for a good night’s rest. For that, I decided, I would rely on prayer, placing my trust in a Higher Power.

Sunday, September 14, 2008

I had gone to bed modestly optimistic about our chances of saving Lehman and hopeful that John Thain would find a partner for Merrill Lynch. I’d left Steve Shafran and Dan Jester behind, working at the New York Fed with Bob Diamond and the Barclays team to nail down their offer, and with the Wall Street consortium to structure the loan terms. When I spoke to Steve and Dan first thing Sunday morning, they’d barely had time to take a shower or shave, much less sleep. Reasonably confident that the Barclays bid was proceeding, they’d left the Fed at 4:00 a.m., when Diamond said he had to plug into a board meeting. They also reported that they had made good progress with the consortium on a preliminary term sheet for the loan that the Wall Street firms would need to provide for the Barclays deal.

Tim spoke with Diamond after the Barclays board meeting, at 7:15 a.m. New York time, and Bob warned him that Barclays was having problems with its regulators. Forty-five minutes later Chris and I joined Tim in his office to talk with Diamond and Varley, who told us that the FSA had declined to approve the deal. I could hear frustration, bordering on anger, in Diamond’s voice. He and Varley indicated that they were surprised and embarrassed by this turn of events.

We were beside ourselves. This was the first time we were hearing that the FSA might not support the deal. Barclays had assured us that they were keeping the regulators posted on the transaction. Now they were saying that they didn’t understand the FSA’s stance. We told them we would contact the U.K. officials right away and get to the bottom of this.

Subsequently, Tim and Chris spoke separately with Callum McCarthy, the FSA chairman. The British regulator, they learned, was not prepared to approve the merger, but at the same time, the FSA was careful to say it was not disapproving the merger, either. I recall both Tim and Chris saying that the FSA had raised concerns about the need for more due diligence, Barclays’s plans to raise capital to fund the acquisition, and guaranteeing Lehman’s trading book during the shareholder vote. All this added up to a delay, and delaying the deal was the same as killing it: we needed certainty today.

As I listened to Tim and Chris, I went over again in my head my Friday conversation with Alistair Darling, and it occurred to me that I had not caught his true meaning when he’d expressed concern about a British bank’s buying Lehman. What I had taken as understandable caution should have been taken as a clear warning.

Tim spoke with Callum McCarthy again around 10:00 a.m. in an attempt to get the British to waive the listing requirement for a shareholder vote so that Barclays could go ahead and buy Lehman. But the FSA chief put the onus on Darling, saying that only the chancellor of the Exchequer had the authority to do that.

With Bank of America gone and Barclays now in limbo, we were running out of options—and time. Treasury had no authorities to invest capital, and no U.S. regulator had the power to seize Lehman and wind it down outside of very messy bankruptcy proceedings. And unlike with Bear Stearns, the Fed’s hands were tied because we had no buyer.

Markets demand absolute certainty, and we had known all along that Lehman couldn’t open for business on Monday unless it had lined up a major institution, like Barclays, to guarantee its trades. That had been the crucial element of the Bear Stearns rescue. Even after JPMorgan, backed by the Fed, had announced that it would lend to Bear Stearns on Friday, March 14, the investment bank had continued to disintegrate. A collapse was only avoided on Sunday when JPMorgan agreed to buy Bear and guarantee its trading obligations until the deal closed. That halted the ongoing flight of counterparties and clients, averting Bear’s bankruptcy.

The Lehman situation differed from Bear’s in another important way. The Bear assets that JPMorgan left behind were clean enough to secure sufficiently a $29 billion Fed loan. But an evaluation of Lehman’s assets had revealed a gaping hole in its balance sheet. The Fed could not legally lend to fill a hole in Lehman’s capital. That was why we needed a buyer. And we hoped that the private sector would assist the buyer by providing $37 billion in financing that was exposed to $10 billion or so of expected losses from minute one.

The Fed had no authority to guarantee an investment bank’s trading book, or for that matter any of its liabilities. And without an acquirer with a big balance sheet to ensure solvency, a Fed liquidity loan would not have been sufficient to hold Lehman together during a shareholder vote. Instead, the Fed would have been lending into the same kind of run on Lehman that Bear suffered before JPMorgan came through. In the 30 to 60 days that could elapse before a shareholder vote, account balances would drain; huge amounts of collateral would be pulled as trades were unwound while hedge funds and other key customers fled; bank employees would quit. And then, most likely, Barclays shareholders would vote the deal down. The Fed would find itself in possession of an insolvent bank and out tens of billions of dollars.

I delivered the bad news to Josh Bolten, who had already spoken to the president about the possibility of a Lehman failure.

“You’ve got presidential approval to settle on a wind-down that doesn’t commit federal resources,” Josh told me. “Anything else, you should come back to the president and tell him what you’re planning.”

Tim, Chris, and I were running late for our scheduled 10:00 a.m. meeting with the CEOs downstairs. Believing we shouldn’t sugarcoat the situation, I told the bank chiefs we had run into some regulatory issues with Barclays but were committed to working through them.

The CEOs presented us with a term sheet for the deal. In the end, they had come much further than Tim and I thought they would. They had agreed to put up more than $30 billion to save their rival, and they had figured out how to spread the risk across the industry. If Barclays had committed to the deal, we would have had industry financing in place.

Tim asked the group to keep plowing ahead, but I imagine everyone suspected that the deal was in jeopardy.

At 11:00 a.m. I went back upstairs, and within half an hour I was on the phone with Alistair Darling, who wanted a report on Lehman. I told him that we were stunned to learn that the FSA was refusing to approve the Barclays transaction. I pointed out that we had run out of options for Lehman, because U.S. officials had no statutory ability to intervene.

He made it clear, without a hint of apology in his voice, that there was no way Barclays would buy Lehman. He offered no specifics other than to say that we were asking the British government to take on too big a risk, and he was not willing to have us unload our problem on the British taxpayer. Alistair’s chief concern was the impact of a Lehman failure on the British financial system. He wanted to know what the U.S. would do once Lehman failed.

“We are very concerned over here,” he said. “Lehman has a significant business in the U.K., and we have real concerns as to whether it is adequately capitalized.”

The chancellor of the Exchequer was delivering a clear message: we would get no help from the British. Our last hope for Lehman was gone.

I hung up feeling deflated, and frustrated that we had wasted so much time with Barclays on a deal that could never have been done. I was frustrated, too, that unlike Barclays, the British were not simply asking directly that the Fed guarantee Lehman’s trading book, even if the Fed lacked that power. Frankly, I was beginning to believe that the British were afraid that if they did push, the Fed would somehow find a way to guarantee it, leaving them one less excuse for not approving the deal.

I could only surmise that if Darling wasn’t presenting any options or leaving any room to negotiate, it was because the British had their reasons for not wanting this deal done. In truth, I could understand their hesitation. The U.K.’s bank situation was more perilous than ours. Altogether, British banks’ assets amounted to more than four times the size of the national GDP; total U.S. banking assets were about the same size as our GDP. Moreover, individual U.K. banks, including Barclays, had capital issues of their own. It was understandable that the country’s officials might be reluctant to waive normal shareholder procedures for a deal that could have resulted in big losses to one of their largest institutions while carrying no risk for the U.S. government.

“Darling’s not going to help,” I told Tim. “It’s over.”

At that moment, I did not have time for regret, recriminations, or second-guessing. I could only think about the enormous challenge we faced.

I’d asked John Thain to come up to see me, and he arrived right after my conversation with Darling. I got to the point: “Have you done what I recommended and found a buyer?”

“Hank, I’m not thick,” he responded, slightly irritated. “I heard you. I’m doing what I need to do.”

John didn’t mention Bank of America, but I did. By this point I assumed he was in serious negotiations to sell Merrill to the bank, and I said he should focus on doing that deal.

John’s no actor, and I could tell he was deeply engaged in merger talks. I was relieved: with Lehman all but finished, I didn’t want to see Merrill dragged down next.

I phoned my Treasury team in Washington to brief them on the unhappy developments with Lehman and warn them that the markets were going to get very choppy. I asked Kevin Fromer to get ready to talk to the appropriate staffs on the Hill, and I made sure that Michele Davis was prepared to deal with the press, which was expecting a big announcement on Lehman before the Asian markets opened.

All weekend Dick Fuld had been holed up at Lehman headquarters, making phone calls. Now I called him back.

“Dick, I feel terrible,” I said. “We’ve come up with no options. The British government is not going to let Barclays go ahead. BofA isn’t interested.”

“This can’t be happening,” he said. “Hank, you have to figure something out!”

Fuld couldn’t understand that the BofA deal was gone. It was impossible not to sympathize with him. After all, I had run a financial institution; he had been one of my peers. I couldn’t help thinking what this would mean for the thousands of people who worked for Lehman Brothers, one of whom was my brother, Dick.

Fuld had also been calling Tim and Ben, but only I talked to him. Although I hadn’t been directly involved in the discussions between Barclays and Lehman, I knew that he had been shunted aside and that Lehman president Bart McDade had taken over the negotiations.

We’d scheduled another meeting with the CEOs for 12:30 p.m., but once again we were running late, because Tim was back on the phone with Callum McCarthy, fighting to the end for a Barclays-Lehman deal. I stood beside him, watching him jot notes on a pad—calm and methodical as always, although he must have been as frustrated as I was. He was pressing McCarthy about his reasoning and asking if there was anything that could be done to speed the FSA’s deliberations up or to get the deal done.