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Authors: Barry Keane

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38
Ibid
., Appendix 1, p. 7, Conclusion 16: ‘We have been impressed with the severe hardship suffered by Crown supporters prior to the Truce where the losses did not give rise to a claim for compensation. These cases, the majority of which have already been brought to your notice, are distinguished by reason of the fact that the losses arose mainly as the result of assistance given to Crown forces.’

39
House of Commons debate, 19 February 1929, vol. 225, cols 967–1020:
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1929/feb/19/dominion-services#S5CV0225P0_19290219_HOC_275
(accessed 26 July 2013). Churchill explains that £2,188,459 was paid out to 4,030 claimants to this second committee. The total paid out to loyalists was £10 million.

40
Bielenberg (2013), pp. 199–233.

41
While there was a general prohibition on killing clergy, there was no prohibition on ordering them out. In the cases of Harbord and Lord this did not happen. Harbord died in 1966 and Lord died in 1936.

C
ONCLUSION

1
National Archives, Kew, CAB 24/139, ‘Situation in Ireland report by Major Whittaker (circulated by the secretary of state for the colonies)’. Whittaker was sent to Ireland specifically to assess the possibility of reinvasion.

2
There was an ugly postscript to these events in July 1935, when attacks on Roman Catholics in Belfast led to retaliation on southern Protestants, church buildings and social halls. The Church of Ireland in Kilmallock was burned, and in Dunmanway tar was painted in the road with the words ‘Remember 21’, which was taken as a reference to the 1922 killings. While these sectarian attacks caused considerable panic within the Protestant community, the police intervened quickly, protecting Protestant institutions and securing convictions for the culprits in Kilmallock:
The Irish Times
, 22 and 23 July 1935.

3
Mercier Press is publishing a series of these by county under the series title,
The Men Will Talk To Me
. So far Galway and Kerry are available and Mayo will be available in 2014.

4
BMH WS 849, James Brendan Connolly, p. 19: ‘Mr Connolly, England cannot afford to have a republic on her flank,’ General Nevil Macready replied to Mr Connolly who was ‘appointed American Relief Commissioner to go to Ireland and look into the truth or falsity’ of the charge ‘that American Relief money was being used to buy arms’.

5
This was recognised as the central unsolvable problem by the British Lord Chancellor in the April 1921 meeting, National Archives, Kew, CAB 24/122/83. The
Southern Star
, 25 September 1920, p. 7, reported that Michael Collins had commented that Dominion Home Rule was being offered by Lloyd George to get rid of the republican movement, and that ‘the same effort that would get us Home Rule would get us a Republic’. In the same article, Éamon de Valera said that the Irish would only meet the British as equals. The compromise was a treaty between equals that granted Dominion Status.

6
One of the earl’s family homes, at Convamore outside Mallow, was burned by the IRA in 1921. His grandfather, the 3rd Earl, complained bitterly to the House of Lords until his death in 1924 about the ‘miserable’ compensation he was getting for the restoration. The family had to retire to their other residence at Kingston House in Knightsbridge, London, which was demolished in 1937.

7
What had been unimaginable in 1922 was dispensed with in a five-page top secret cabinet annex circulated on 28 October 1948, which dealt with the new Indian republican constitution, National Archives, Kew, CAB 128/14/3.

8
Hoare was not suggesting that India be allowed independence any time soon, but not giving Home Rule would inevitably result in a disaster along the lines of Ireland. The nationalism, racism and paternalism that permeated the Irish debates through the nineteenth century were evident in the Indian debates of the twentieth century.

9
Among the myths about Churchill is that it is generally assumed that he resigned over appeasement, but it was the Conservative Party leader’s endorsement of the Prime Minister’s proposal of a round table conference on India in 1930 that led to his resignation from the shadow cabinet. This gave rise, in February 1931, to one of his most famous insults: ‘It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious middle temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the east, striding half-naked up the steps of the viceregal palace, while he is still organising and conducting a defiant campaign of civil disobedience, to parley on equal terms with the representative of the king-emperor.’

10
There was a high incidence of abstinence from alcohol among members of the IRA. They were also noted for mass-going, and British forces held up and interrogated people leaving Sunday services on more than one occasion.

11
Hart (1998), pp. 290–1. Of course, some did as some will always do.

12
The Dáil debate, 10 April 1923, gives the official version and this makes it clear that if anyone was going to be blown up by a trap mine it was going to be ‘irregular’ prisoners:
http://historical-debates.oireachtas.ie/D/0003/D.0003.192304170017.html
(accessed 12 June 2012).

13
This interpretation of Ballyseedy was disputed by the Free State at the time, but is now generally accepted.

A
PPENDIX 2

1
All spelling and punctuation (except ellipses which denote omitted text) within this
Memorandum by the Secretary of State for War
are as they appear in CAB 43/2, pp. 74–7, excluding the details of point 13, which have been edited for brevity by the author.

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