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Tags: #Psychology/Human Sexuality, #Social Science/Gay Studies, #SOC012000, #PSY016000
Male Sex Work and Society (56 page)
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Acknowledgments
The work for this paper was conducted with the African Sex Worker’s Alliance (ASWA) in partnership with the Sex Worker Education Advocacy and Taskforce, and was supported by the United Nations Development Program Regional Service Center for Eastern and Southern Africa.
Thanks are due to Kyomya Macklean and Beyoncé from the Women’s Organization Network for Human Rights Advocacy; Eric Harper from SWEAT; Anthony Kanengoni, Loyiso Dube, Pepsi Livi, Cym and Netta (Sisonke); Nelson Massilela (Mozambique); Gregory Kata and Mojalife Ndlovu (Sexual Rights Centre); Nelson Goagoseb and Abel Shinana (Red Umbrella); John Maina (Bar Hostess); Daughtie Ogutu (Fahamu); Clifford Duncan and Maureen (Kenya); Benecia (South Africa); Robert Hamblin and Hejin Kim (Gender Dynamix); and Marcos Benedetti (Pathfinder), whose assistance with the data collection made this report possible.
Lastly, but most importantly, we acknowledge the participants in Kenya, Namibia, South Africa, Uganda, and Zimbabwe, who engaged in the research workshop and participated in the follow-up research.
Endnotes
1
Magnani et al. (2005) employ a method similar to snowball sampling, as it involves a chain referral (networks); it has greater external values, as it is not limited to members of a contained or restricted site, but extends to all potential members by accessing respondents through their social networks.
Magnani et al. (2005) employ a method similar to snowball sampling, as it involves a chain referral (networks); it has greater external values, as it is not limited to members of a contained or restricted site, but extends to all potential members by accessing respondents through their social networks.
4
“Moffie” is a demeaning term to describe gay or effeminate men, used in some contexts in southern and eastern Africa.
“Moffie” is a demeaning term to describe gay or effeminate men, used in some contexts in southern and eastern Africa.
5
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersexual.
Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersexual.
Travis Kong’s observations remind us that the stigma associated with male sex work is not only produced by mainstream cultures. Indeed
, tongzhi,
or gay-identified men, also actively participate in the marginalization of male sex workers. It might be said that so-called money boys, through their inferior status, help to define what is valued and considered normal among homosexual men in China. Kong’s description of the status of money boys reminds us of Gayle Rubin’s influential 1984 essay, “Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality.” Rubin’s essay proposed that sexual practices and identities are organized by a sex hierarchy that is created and reproduced by a variety of discourses and institutions. Married, heterosexual, and monogamous couples who have sex in the privacy of their own homes for (at least officially) reproductive purposes hold pride of place at the top of the hierarchy. Their behavior is rewarded with legal endorsement and privilege, the stamp of mental health and normality, the approval of mainstream churches, and general legitimation as a mature and proper sexual form. Below the married couple in the sex hierarchy, other sexualities are organized in descending order of respectability and legal authorization, ranging from the “good sex” exemplified by the married couple and the “bad sex” at the bottom of the hierarchy, exemplified by “perversions.”
, tongzhi,
or gay-identified men, also actively participate in the marginalization of male sex workers. It might be said that so-called money boys, through their inferior status, help to define what is valued and considered normal among homosexual men in China. Kong’s description of the status of money boys reminds us of Gayle Rubin’s influential 1984 essay, “Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality.” Rubin’s essay proposed that sexual practices and identities are organized by a sex hierarchy that is created and reproduced by a variety of discourses and institutions. Married, heterosexual, and monogamous couples who have sex in the privacy of their own homes for (at least officially) reproductive purposes hold pride of place at the top of the hierarchy. Their behavior is rewarded with legal endorsement and privilege, the stamp of mental health and normality, the approval of mainstream churches, and general legitimation as a mature and proper sexual form. Below the married couple in the sex hierarchy, other sexualities are organized in descending order of respectability and legal authorization, ranging from the “good sex” exemplified by the married couple and the “bad sex” at the bottom of the hierarchy, exemplified by “perversions.”
Kong has highlighted how, in the rapidly industrializing Chinese landscape, young men from rural communities have moved to the city and found an opportunity to earn an income. China in fact now hosts one of the largest listings of male escorts on
rentboy.com
, which indicates that, for many men and women, economic incentives are an important drawing card for entering into sex work. Money boys represent an aspirational occupational group in the market economy of reform China. As with other chapters in this book, current research on male sex work in China acknowledges the agency of sex workers and moves away from earlier presentations of male sex workers as pathological or vulnerable victims of circumstances beyond their control
.
rentboy.com
, which indicates that, for many men and women, economic incentives are an important drawing card for entering into sex work. Money boys represent an aspirational occupational group in the market economy of reform China. As with other chapters in this book, current research on male sex work in China acknowledges the agency of sex workers and moves away from earlier presentations of male sex workers as pathological or vulnerable victims of circumstances beyond their control
.
| Male Sex Work in China | |
TRAVIS S. K. KONG |
Male prostitution is a booming industry in contemporary China. The popular Chinese film
Lanyu
(directed by Stanley Kwan, 2001), which is based on the Internet novel
Beijing Story
(Anonymous, 1998), tells the love story of a poor architecture student from northern China named Lanyu, who sells his body (and virginity) to his first male client, Chen Handong (see
figure 13.1
). The story develops around how their commercial relationship eventually turns into a romance, which is doomed to end in tragedy. In cyberspace, images of semi-naked or completely naked male bodies—labeled “sunshine,” “hunk,” “gym coach,” “retired army,” and “bear”—are abundant and for sale on Chinese gay websites. In cities, gay bars such as Destination (a trendy gay megaclub in Beijing) have a substantial number of male sex workers (MSWs) who show an interest in a man, only to ask for money anywhere between the initial contact and the next morning.
Lanyu
(directed by Stanley Kwan, 2001), which is based on the Internet novel
Beijing Story
(Anonymous, 1998), tells the love story of a poor architecture student from northern China named Lanyu, who sells his body (and virginity) to his first male client, Chen Handong (see
figure 13.1
). The story develops around how their commercial relationship eventually turns into a romance, which is doomed to end in tragedy. In cyberspace, images of semi-naked or completely naked male bodies—labeled “sunshine,” “hunk,” “gym coach,” “retired army,” and “bear”—are abundant and for sale on Chinese gay websites. In cities, gay bars such as Destination (a trendy gay megaclub in Beijing) have a substantial number of male sex workers (MSWs) who show an interest in a man, only to ask for money anywhere between the initial contact and the next morning.
Male sex workers in China are generally called
yazi
(duck), but those who predominantly serve men are called “money boys,”
haizi/xiaohai
(child), or
zai
(son/boy), while those who predominantly serve women are called
nan gongguan
(male public relations officer). Money boys comprise the largest group of MSWs in China, a place where gay sexuality is intricately related to money, commerce, and consumption. While the actual size of this population is unknown, it is estimated that the population of men who have sex with other men is between 2 and 20 million (Feng et al., 2009; Gao, Zhang, & Jin, 2009; Zhang & Chu, 2005; Zhang & Ma, 2002; Zhang et al., 2007). Of this population, it is estimated that between 5 percent and 24 percent are money boys (Choi, Gibson, Han, & Guo, 2004; Kong, 2008; Zhang, Liu, Li, & Hu, 2000).
yazi
(duck), but those who predominantly serve men are called “money boys,”
haizi/xiaohai
(child), or
zai
(son/boy), while those who predominantly serve women are called
nan gongguan
(male public relations officer). Money boys comprise the largest group of MSWs in China, a place where gay sexuality is intricately related to money, commerce, and consumption. While the actual size of this population is unknown, it is estimated that the population of men who have sex with other men is between 2 and 20 million (Feng et al., 2009; Gao, Zhang, & Jin, 2009; Zhang & Chu, 2005; Zhang & Ma, 2002; Zhang et al., 2007). Of this population, it is estimated that between 5 percent and 24 percent are money boys (Choi, Gibson, Han, & Guo, 2004; Kong, 2008; Zhang, Liu, Li, & Hu, 2000).
This chapter addresses a number of questions about male sex workers in China: Under what social conditions has male prostitution emerged in contemporary China? What is the state’s policy on prostitution and homosexuality? What is the common societal view of male prostitution, and how does the gay community view it? How is male sex work structured in China? Who are these money boys and why do they engage in sex work? What are their gains and losses? In what ways does male prostitution relate to homosexuality, poverty, and migration?
My understanding of the male sex industry in China is based on ethnographic work I began in 2004, principally in the three major cities believed to have the highest concentration of money boys: Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen (Kong, 2005a, 2008, 2010, 2011b, 2012). During 2004-2005, I interviewed 14 money boys from Beijing and 16 from Shanghai, making several field trips with a nongovernmental organization outreach team to visit money boys and gay men at parks, bars, saunas, massage parlors, and a number of other meeting places. Since 2009, I have made more field trips with other nongovernmental organizations, interviewed an additional 40 money boys, and conducted four focus groups in Beijing and Shenzhen.
Based on my research, this chapter focuses on MSWs who provide sexual services to other men in contemporary China. It starts with a brief history of male homosexuality and prostitution in the country, starting with the tolerant tradition of “same-sex love” between men and the existence of male prostitution in ancient China, then moves on to the rise of
tongzhi
(a synonym for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered identity) and the burgeoning male sex industry in reform China. By viewing male prostitution as an informal labor market and the male prostitute as a normal person in the context of work, I examine the male sex work industry in detail, with a focus on money boys. I include the paths they took in entering the sex industry, their types and occupational settings, the profile of their clients and the interactions between them, their work identity and the stigma and occupational risks that come with it, and the regulatory models governing male prostitution (as well as relations between men who have sex with other men) in China. I conclude that the money boys’ situation reflects the general situation of many young people living in the midst of China’s continuing quest for modernization in a global market, particularly rural migrants to the country’s largest cities.
tongzhi
(a synonym for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered identity) and the burgeoning male sex industry in reform China. By viewing male prostitution as an informal labor market and the male prostitute as a normal person in the context of work, I examine the male sex work industry in detail, with a focus on money boys. I include the paths they took in entering the sex industry, their types and occupational settings, the profile of their clients and the interactions between them, their work identity and the stigma and occupational risks that come with it, and the regulatory models governing male prostitution (as well as relations between men who have sex with other men) in China. I conclude that the money boys’ situation reflects the general situation of many young people living in the midst of China’s continuing quest for modernization in a global market, particularly rural migrants to the country’s largest cities.
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