Fail Safe (23 page)

"Yes, sir, that is right," General Bogan said.

He felt a sudden sympathy with Raskob. He was a though man, quick at making calculations and then at icing up to them. It was the first time that General

Bogan had faced the fact that everything now rested with the President. Barring some miracle, one or two of the bombers would get through. And if the Soviets did not believe the attack was innocent or made in error they would be forced to respond.

"No notion of how it happened, eh, General?" Raskob asked.

General Bogan felt an odd fuzziness, a thin coating of confusion, slide over his mind.

"No, sir, not the slightest," he said. "They told us that the system was foolproof. Oh, some parts might break down from time to time, but the whole system would check itself out, they told us."

"They told you," Knapp said and there was wOnderment in his voice. "Always that unknown they. Those of us who manufactured the gear, who had some notion of what it was being used for-we never told any. one that it was infallible. But somewhere in Washington they had to say it was perfect, that it couldn't make a mistake. General, there is no such thing as a perfect system and they should have told you that."

"Look, friend, in Washington you don't get appropriations and bigger staff and more personnel by saying that what you're doing is not perfect," Raskob said roughly. "You stand up in front of the Appropriations Committee and you convince yourself that the system is perfect and then you tell the Committee it is perfect. And there isn't a mother's son on that Committee who can say you nay. Because we just ain't boy geniuses at electronics and all this stuff. So we give them the dough. What the hell else can we do?"

"Nothing, not a thing," Knapp said. "Except listen to the right people. Look, for years there has been a fellow named Fred Iklé, who has been working with the Rand Corporation and the Air Force on how to

reduce war by accident. He has found flaw after flaw in the system, at just. the same time that the newspapers were saying it was perfect. Kendrew over in England has talked about accidental war for years.- loud and clear. So have dozens of others. Most of us, the best of us on the civilian side," and he spoke without pride, "we knew that a perfect system is impossible. The mistake was that no one told the public and the Congress."

"What should we have done?" Colonel Cascio said suddenly, and his voice held a kind of baffled anger. "Just sit on our duffs while our enemy goes ahead and arms to the teeth and finally gets to a position where he can tell us to surrender and we know we have to do it?"

"No, son, we had to do what we did," Raskob said wearily. "In politics if you sit still you are dead. I guess it's the same in the military game. But maybe we should have recognized that past a certain point the whole damned thing was silly."

General Bogan sensed that Knapp was in a terrible agony. His hunched and hard-driven body, his burning eyes, his ravished face, looked like a statue of anxiety. General Bogan could guess the reason: much of the machinery in that room had been developed and manufactured by Knapp and he had carried the burden of knowledge within him that it was far from foolproof. Right now he was wondering why he had not spoken out.

Only Raskob, the politically toughened man, could see the other side. His eyes remained glued on the board and when he spoke his voice was a mixture of pity and hard-bitten reality.

"Well-that's one bomber gone. If those Soviet fighters start shaping up a bit maybe we can avoid the worst."

The small group felt rather than saw Colonel Casdo turn in his chair. His eyes burned up at Raskob. He was oddly bent as if his body were undergoing an invisible physical torture. He did not speak, he only stared with hatred at Raskob.

Raskob looked down at him without emotion.

"There can be much worse things than the loss of six bombers, son," Raskob said. "It's a pity that those eighteen men have to fight their way in and. probably get killed in the process. But think a minute about all of the people, millions and billions of them, all around the world, walking around in total ignorance that they might be killed in the next few hours. Do you ever think about them? Well, that's what politics is all about and that poor guy in the White House who has to make the big decision knows that."

Colonel Cascio's eyes did not change. He blinked once and then turned back to his controls.

The remaining five Vindicators were now widely scattered, but in a carefully calculated dispersion. Each was at the maximum range at which they could protect one another and be protected by the No. 6 plane. Still they were so dispersed that no single Soviet shot could down two of them.

"How are the Soviet fighters doing?" General Bogan asked, still on the intercom.

The Enemy Defense Desk responded at once.

"Apparently, General, they are badly confused by our masking and window," the voice said. "They have not yet started to concentrate on Group 6. They are still scattered, chasing decoys."

Somewhere in the War Room a voice cheered and instantly was joined by a score of others. General Bogan felt a kind of exultation start in his own throat, but quickly repressed it. There was a strange perver

sion about his feelings, a heightened sense of paradox. Again the thought flicked in and Out of his mind that he, standing before the board in the War Room, could help the Russians distinguish between plane and decoy. When he spoke there was a hard lash in his voice.

"Let's knock that off," he said. "This is no Goddamned football game." There was instant silence. "Remember that. It might get hard in the next few hours."

He looked around and saw the glint of resentment in a dozen eyes, shoulders hunched with anger. They were well trained, but not for this sort of incredible game.

"How much of her defensive gear does No. 6 still have?" General Bogan asked.

"Twenty-five per cent," the voice said. "She is slowing down the rate of defensive fire, apparently to conserve missiles for the run on Moscow."

On the southern flank of the Vindicators a Soviet fighter began to firm up on an intercepting course toward the closest Vindicator. The Vindicator turned away, but the Soviet blip also altered course. They Would still make an intercept.

"Fire, fire," a voice said very close to General Bogan. He looked over and saw it was Colonel Cascio. He was half out of his chair, his teeth wet and prominent, his lips drawn back. "Fire before the bastard gets one of those long slow ones off at you."

"Colonel, if you say one more word like that I will throw you out of this room and have you court-martialed," General Bogan said in a low voice.

No one else in the War Room had heard the exchange.

Colonel Cascio whirled in his half.bent posture, like a boxer badly burt and covering. He stared at General

Bogan and then his eyes cleared. He sat down.

The Soviet fighter was joined by three other fighters and they formed a long box formation as they ran down their intercept. The Vindicator jinked once more. So did the Soviet fighters. Instantly the Vindicator fired four missiles. The Soviet planes each fired a single missile and continued to speed toward the Vindicator. At the same moment their detection gear told them they were fired upon and the Soviet fighters turned sharply away. It was too late. Five seconds later all of them were destroyed. But their four missiles ran with an agonizing slowness toward the Vindicator. It turned and ran, but was not fast enough. The missiles came in remorselessly. Again there was the merging, again the slow, exploding, engulfing blip.

General Bogan felt his fingertips shaking against his trousers. He felt for a moment as if he were being exposed to some strange torture; some spikeike split of his allegiance; some rupturing of his life. He yearned for the bottle of whisky in a faraway office.

As if by order, the breaths of two-score men were released from their lungs. It made a weird contrapuntal chorus of sighs. Congressman Raskob muttered something to himself. It sounded like "Four more to go."

The phone on the President's desk rang. It was a strong unbroken ring. The President looked at Buck, arched his eyebrows, and Buck picked up his phone.

It was Moscow.

The first voice that spoke was that of Khrushchev.

The moment he heard the voice something in Buck's mind went alert. He heard perfectly and literally what Khrushchev said, but he also sensed something else. It was the same person speaking but in a different voice. The voice ended each sentence with an odd lifting sound.

As Buck translated the literal words he searched back over his experience. Something was there, elusive and subtle, but heavy with meaning.

"We have only a few hours left, Mr. President," Khrushchev said. "How should we use them? You have launched an offensive attack against our country. Without provocation or cause. You siate it is an accident. But meanwhile we lie defenseless before you."

"Not quite defenseless, Premier Khrushchev," the Preddent said. "You have hundreds of fighter planes, countless ICBMs, missiles for defense. In fact in your recent Warsaw speech you boasted of the invulnerability of the Soviet forces."

Krushchev grunted. Then oddly and out of character, he sighed.

Instantly things fell into place in Buck's mind. He recalled listening to a record at the Monterey Language School made by a Russian peasant in which the ultimate in resignation and despair was precisely this sequence of petulance, a grunt, and a sigh. Even when joined to the most ordinary words their meaning was one of great sorrow-a sorrow so great that no words could convey it. It was not a matter even of inflection. It was a matter of sound and wind and something deep in the chest.

Buck reached for a pad of paper in front of him and in quick bold letters he wrote "Khrushchev's mood is sorrow." The President read it upside down as quiddy as Buck wrote it. When he had finished the President drew a large circle around the statement to indicate he understood.

The silence on the line went past the point of tension. The tiny, and usually inaudible, screech of static now seemed to be a scream in their ears. The President started to doodle on the pad in front of him. He traced the head of an arrow, started to draw the shaft and then, very deliberately, lifted his pencil from the pad and held it between his forefingers, the eraser touching the forefinger of his left hand, the sharp point of lead pushed into the flesh of his right forefinger. His hands were steady.

When Khrushchev spoke, it was to Buck like a bell fractured, a flash that ripped darkness, a pinprick through the eardrum. And yet, oddly, his voice was gentle.

"It is ironic, gentlemen, but now, at this moment when we still have time left, the time that is left is empty and without use," Khrushchev said. Buck's con-

fidence was strengthened. He was certain that Khrushchev was in a sorrow so deep that it was close to agony. "There is a period during which we can do nothing. After that? I do not know. If the bombs fall on Moscow I know. We will strike back."

Buck translated quickly, but the President seemed to be listening abstractedly, his head cocked to one side as if he were making a difficult calculation. He nodded at Buck, the calculation made.

"What luck have you had in your attacks on our bombers?" the President asked.

"Luck? No luck at all," Khrushchev said. "But earned results, yes. By earned results we have gotten 860 of our supersonic fighters vectored in on the hundreds of targets which suddenly appeared on our radar. scope. That, Mr. President, was a tender moment. One group of our experts was convinced that your scientists had developed a method of camouflaging the approach of bombers until they were actually in our territory. They argued that what appeared as decoys were actually real bombers. They urged that we retaliate instantly with all of our ICBMs and our bombers."

"Why did you not do that?" the President asked. Buck looked at him sharply. The President nodded for him to translate the question. To Buck it seemed brusque and antagonistic.

"Ah, that is a nice question," Khrushchev said. Buck was bewildered by some inflection, some subtle inclination, sothe fugitive meaning. Khrushchev's words were as ironic and heavy as before, but his delivery was evasive.

"Why did you not launch an offensive?" the President said again.

Buck hesitated. The word "offensive" in Russian can take several different meanings. In one sense it means

to question a man's virility. In another to be crudely egotistical. In another to be a challenge. Buck looked at the President. With the gnawing tension growing within, he knew he must not give the wrong word to Khrushchev. It might be enough to trigger the peasant temper, to bring the powerful fingers stabbing down on the buttons.

Buck made up his mind.

"Why did you not defend yourself by counterattacking?" he translated the President's words.

Khrushchev said in a quiet voice, "I held back the retaliation because I still had time to take the gamble that you were sincere. Also I knew that it would be the end for both of us. A peasant who becomes a politician, Mr. President, is not without insight. The generals are not happy. Just as I can guess your generals are not happy with you. But there is a time for common sense.. . which occurs as often among the low as among the mighty."

The President started to speak and to his own surprise Buck found himself lifting his hand, restraining the President. The Russian was thinking aloud and Buck sensed some gain in not interrupting him. The President nodded.

"Of the 860 planes we sent up 70 were, by great valor and ingenuity, able to attack one or another of your Vindicators," Khrushchev went on. He paused. "We have been able to destroy only two of your planes."

"What were your casualties?" the President asked.

"Very high;" Khrushchev said. "Out of the 70 planes which launched attacks somewhere around 65 were destroyed. And by means of which we have no understanding. Most of them simply exploded in midair. And for that we got two of your bombers."

"What of the other four?" the President asked.

"There is little to be optimistic about," Khrushchev said.