Empire of the Sikhs (38 page)

Citadel, Lahore

Nov. 2nd, 1849.

My dear Cousin,

I scarcely regret that I have been detained here by illness a few days, as it has given me an opportunity of seeing all the multifarious wonders, animal and mineral, over which your worthy husband keeps guard within the Citadel, and of telling you before I leave this, how well his really responsible duties have agreed with him…. I wish you could walk through the Toshkhana and see its wonders! the vast quantities of gold and silver, the jewels not to be valued, so many and so rich! the Koh-i-Noor, far beyond what I had imagined; and, perhaps above all, the immense collection of magnificent Cashmere shawls, rooms full of them, laid out on shelves, and heaped up in bales – it is not to be described!

Your affectionate cousin,

ROBERT R. ADAMS.

P.S. – The enclosed rough memorandum will amuse you.

Memorandum of Memorabilia, under charge of

JOHN SPENCER LOGIN,

In the Citadel of Lahore,

April 6th, 1849.

– THE DIAMOND (KOH-I-NOOR).

– The State jewels and treasures in gold, silver, and precious stones; dishes, plates, cups, cooking pots, and gurrahs of gold and silver.

– The vast store of Cashmere shawls, chogas, & c.

– Runjeet's golden chair of State; his silver summer-house; gold and silver poled, tents and camp-equi
page of rich Cashmere; arms and armour, very magnificent.

– Shah Sooja's State pavilion, gorgeously embroidered.

– Relics of the Prophet; his shoes, walking-stick, shirt, cap, and pyjamas; his book of prayers in the Kufic character; several locks of his hair.

– The Kulgee ‘plume' of the last Guru (Govind).

– The sword of the Persian hero Roostum, taken from Shah Sooja by Runjeet Singh.

– The sword of Wuzeer Fathie Khan, founder of the Baruksye family at Cabul and Candahar.

– The sword of Holkar (an old Spanish blade).

– The armour worn by the warriors and Sirdars of note, many of them stained with their blood.

– The wedding garment of Maha Singh.

– Besides these, many valuable curiosities and relics of all kinds, too numerous to note.
⁶⁵

Credit must be given to Lady Login for nailing the British government for continuing its tradition of sequestering the wealth of its adversaries and allies alike on the simple premise that ‘might is right': ‘The Government has never accounted to the Maharajah [Dalip Singh] for the money received for the sale of the house, nor has he received anything in respect of the value of the land, though the papers show that the whole was purchased out of his money, nor any compensation in respect of the contents of the house, which were destroyed at the Mutiny.'
⁶⁶

In addition to appropriating the wealth of the Sikh empire without a qualm of conscience, a new administrative system was also structured to increase revenues and funnel them into the British treasury. As one of the present writers has described elsewhere: ‘The Punjab was divided into seven Commissionerships and 27 Districts, and by 1 June 1849 the new administrative system had been set up in most areas. The District Officer's job was collection of revenue,
keeping the peace, the dispensation of justice, and the economic development of his District. Revenue in Punjab was collected from water rates, land revenue,
malikana
(fees for recognizing proprietary titles), and various other forms of duties, rents and cesses. When it came to constructing canals, however, the cost of their development was largely financed by the Punjabis rather than the colonial administration although the revenue collected went to its treasury, and from there to the British exchequer as charges for administering India.'
⁶⁷

The general goal of development projects – railroads, post and telegraph systems, agricultural production – was the creation of stable conditions in which the human resources of Punjab could be harnessed to generate wealth which British banks, trading houses, shippers and other businesses could exploit. First the foundation and then the skilful administration of institutions established on sound economic foundations provided a key means for the systematic funnelling of India's wealth out of the country.

The British got what they wanted to a substantial degree. And so did many others who either through deceit or treachery enriched themselves at the expense of a state created by the political genius of one man out of a sense of mission given to him and its population by a new faith. But in the end responsibility for the fate that overtook the Sikhs, and the furthermost reaches of their proud state, rested not with Brahmins, Dogras, the British or countless baggage-carriers, mountebanks and mercenaries but with the Sikhs themselves, who frittered away the unique legacy bequeathed to them. Perhaps the very richness of this legacy proved the undoing of those who inherited it, belief in their own infallibility making them indifferent to the many hostile forces around them.

As
Chapter 7
of this book will have made clear, Ranjit Singh himself was in part responsible for the destruction of the edifice he had so energetically and enthusiastically built. He failed to
assess the far-reaching implications of founding a monarchy, whose creation was in stark contradiction to the fundamental tenets of the Khalsa. The commonwealth of the Khalsa was founded on republican tradition, with no place for any hierarchies. In it everyone was equal in the eyes of God and by definition equal in the eyes of each other. Equality was the corner-stone of the faith: its inspiration, strength, source of self-renewal, its essential dynamic.

The monarchy established by Ranjit Singh weakened the Sikh faith. The very concept of monarchical rule was anathema to the Sikhs because it signified the dictates of a paramount power, and paramountcy was alien to the concept of the Khalsa. As a self-assertive people, the Sikhs could be contentious, and when a medley of aspiring individuals laid claim to power at the Lahore Durbar after Ranjit Singh's death contentions multiplied and spawned conspiracies, attempted coups and conflicts within the backbone of the state, the army.

Ranjit Singh, with his rare insights into men and his extraordinary qualities of leadership, handled his monarchy with the same flair as he did the many different roles he played in life, but those who came after him possessed none of his genius. The wasting of his legacy was a very great loss to his successors and all Sikhs, because they produced a leader such as rarely emerges in the galaxy of great leaders.

Courage transcends knowledge. It springs from motivation, from duty, from devotion to one's fellows, patriotism, belief in a cause. These overcome fear of death itself, and make men ready to die for what they believe in.

I.F STONE,
The Trial of Socrates

C
HAPTER
1: The Legacy That Made the Sikhs Proud

1
Syad Muhammad Latif,
History of the Punjab
[originally published 1891], Kalyani Publishers, New Delhi, 1989, p. 65.

2
Major H.M.L. Lawrence,
Adventures of an Officer in the Punjab
[1846], 2 vols, Panjabi University (Languages Department), Patiala, Vol. 1, 1970 reprint,
pp. 30–31.

3
The name Punjab derives from the Persian words
punj
(five) and
ab
(rivers).

4
Syad Muhammad Latif,
History of the Punjab,
Preface, 1989, p. iii.

5
His father was an accountant for a Rajput landowner, a convert to Islam, and a Muslim midwife brought Nanak into the world.

6
Guru Granth Sahib, Raj Bhairon, p. 1136.

7
Included in the Guru Granth Sahib, Asa, p. 471.

8
This original edition was known as the Adi Granth, while the final edition, the Guru Granth, was given its form by the tenth and last Guru Gobind Singh who added to it the hymns of the ninth Guru, Tegh Bahadur.

9
In India the word ‘secular' has its own special meaning, a ‘secular' society being one in which each citizen believes firmly in his or her own religious faith, with no one being prevented from holding or practising his or her own faith, no majority faith imposed on anyone and no discrimination on grounds of faith or preference for co-religionists. The secular principle laid down by the Gurus
was to be scrupulously followed by Ranjit Singh during his reign.

10
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of Jahangir,
trans. Alexander Rogers, ed. Henry Beveridge, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1968,
pp. 72–3.

11
Max Arthur Macauliffe,
The Sikh Religion: Its Gurus, Sacred Writings and Authors
[1909], 6 vols, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1995, Vol. 3, p. 99.

12
Ibid.

13
Max Arthur Macauliffe,
The Sikh Religion,
Vol. 4, p. 305.

14
Saqi Mustad Khan,
Maasir-i-Alamgir
(A
History of the Emperor Aurangzeb-Alangir, 1650-1707)
[1947], trans. Jadunath Sarkar, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1986,
pp. 51–2.

15
Duncan Greenless,
The Gospel of the Guru Granth Sahib,
Theosophical Publishing House, Madras, 1952, p. 87.

16
Akbarat-i-Darbari-Mualla
[Persian], Royal Asiatic Society, London, Vol. 1:
1677-1695.

17
See note 9,
Chapter 1
.

18
Harbans Singh,
Guru Gobind Singh,
Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1979,
pp. 46–7.

19
Dalip Singh,
Guru Gobind Singh and Khalsa Discipline,
Singh Brothers, Amritsar, 1992.

20
Harbans Singh,
Guru Gobind Singh,
p. 58.

21
Harpreet Brar, ‘Guru Gobind Singh's Relations with Aurangzeb',
pp. 17–33
,
The Punjab Past and Present
(biannual journal), Panjabi University, Patiala, April 1983, 19.

22
Ganda Singh, ‘Guru Gobind Singh: The Last Phase', ibid., p. 2.

23
K.S. Duggal,
Ranjit Singh: A Secular Sikh Sovereign,
Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1989.

24
Khafi Khan, ‘Muntakhab-ul-Lubab', in H. M. Elliot and J. Dowson (eds),
The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians,
Vol. VII, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1972 (reprint), p. 415.

25
William Irvine, ‘Political History of the Sikhs',
The Asiatic Quarterly,
January-April 1894, pp. 420–31, and ‘Guru Gobind
Singh and Bandah',
Journal of the Asiatic Society,
January-April 1894,
pp. 112–43.

26
‘Akhbar-i-Darbar-i-Mualla: Mughal Court News Relating to the Punjab, AD 1707-1718',
The Punjab Past and Present,
Panjabi University, Patiala, October 1984, p. 141.

27
Bikrama Jit Hasrat,
The Life and Times of Ranjit Singh: A Saga of Benevolent Despotism,
V.V. Research Institute Book Agency, Hoshiarpur, 1977, p. 311.

28
These figures are extrapolated from census figures for 1881.

29
Hari Ram Gupta,
History of the Sikhs
(5 vols), Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, Vol. II, 1978,
pp. 255–6.

30
These figures are taken from Bhagat Singh,
A History of the Sikh Misals,
Punjabi University, Patiala, 1993, p. 55.

C
HAPTER
2: Drumbeat of a School Drop-out

1
C.H. Payne,
A Short History of the Sikhs,
Thomas Nelson and Sons, London, 1915, p. 114.

2
Captain Leopold Von Orlich,
Travels in India including Sinde and the Punjab,
2 vols, [London, 1845], Usha Publications, New Delhi, 1985, Vol. 1, p. 172.

3
Sir Gokul Chand Narang,
Transformation of Sikhism,
New Book Society, Lahore, 1912, p. 317.

4
Joginder Singh Kapur, ‘Birthplace of Maharajah Ranjit Singh – Gujranwala or Badrukhan?',
www.sikhstudies.org/periodicals
.

5
District and State Gazetteers of the Undivided Punjab
(prior to independence) (4 vols) [Gujranwala District, 1935], Low Price Publications, New Delhi, 1993, Vol. 1, p. 342.

6
General Sir John J.H. Gordon,
The Sikhs
[1904], Panjab University (Languages Department), Chandigarh, 1988, p. 84.

7
Sir Gokul Chand Narang,
Transformation of Sikhism,
p. 317.

8
Hari Ram Gupta,
History of the Sikhs,
Vol. 5, 1991, p. 14.

9
Teja Singh (ed.),
Maharaja Ranjit Singh: First Death Centenary Memorial
[1939], Deepak, Amritsar, 1993, p. 100.

10
See
Chapter 1
, note 9.

11
Major G. Smyth,
A History of the Reigning Family of Lahore
[1847], Nirmal Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1987, p. 14.