Defiant Spirits (50 page)

15. Shadwell,
Industrial Efficiency,
p. 159.

16. Ferdinand Tönnies,
Community and Civil Society,
ed. José Harris, trans. Margaret Hollis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001); and Émile Durkheim,
The Division of
Labor in Society,
trans. George Simpson (New York: Free Press, 1964).

17. Quoted in Larisey, “The Landscape Painting of Lawren Stewart Harris,” p. 29.
On this urban aspect of Skarbina's work, see Ralf Roth, “Interactions between
Railways and Cities in Nineteenth-Century Germany: Some Case Studies,” in Ralf Roth
and Marie-Noëlle Polino,
The City and the Railway in Europe
(Aldershot, Hants:
Ashgate, 2003), pp. 17–20; John Czaplicka, “Pictures of a City at Work, Berlin 1890–1930: Visual Reflections on Social Structures and Technology in the Modern Urban Construct,”
in Charles W. Haxthausen and Heidrun Suhr, eds.,
Berlin: Culture and Metropolis
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990), pp. 4–17; and Shearer West,
The Visual Arts in Germany,
1890–1940: Utopia and Despair
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), p. 41.

18. Quoted in Roth, “Interactions,” p. 16.

19. Quoted in Larisey, “The Landscape Painting of Lawren Stewart Harris,” p. 26.
For Wille and the notion of
Heimatkunst
in Germany at this time, see ibid., pp. 24–26.

20. Quoted in Adamson,
Lawren S. Harris,
p. 21.

21. Quoted in ibid., p. 22. For speculation that the unorthodoxy was theosophy, see Davis,
The Logic of Ecstasy,
p. 22.

22.
The Studio,
15 November 1907. This exhibition, at the Fritz Gurlitt Gallery in Berlin,
was probably seen by Harris.

23. For the 1906
Ausstellung Deutscher Kunst aus der Zeit von 1775–1875
and its probable influence on Harris, see Larisey, “The Landscape Painting of Lawren Stewart Harris,” pp. 50–52.

24. Quoted in Larisey, “The Landscape Painting of Lawren Stewart Harris,” p. 48.

25. Quoted in Adamson,
Lawren S. Harris,
p. 51. The letter in which Harris makes this claim dates from 1948.

26. Quoted in Housser,
A Canadian Art Movement,
p. 36.

27. This statement was made in an April 1954 talk delivered at the Vancouver Art Gallery and broadcast on the Vancouver radio station
CBU
in September 1954.

28. Quoted in Housser,
A Canadian Art Movement,
p. 36.

29. Doris Speirs (formerly Mills), interview with Charles Hill, 15 October 1973,
Canadian Painting in the Thirties
Exhibition Records, National Gallery of Canada Fonds, National Gallery of Canada Library and Archives.

30. Quoted in Mackintosh, “The Development of Higher Urban Life,” p. 698.

31.
The
Canadian Magazine,
November 1909;
Toronto Daily Star,
28 February 1914.

32. Quoted in Gregory Betts, ed.,
Lawren Harris: In the Ward
(Holstein,
ON
:
Exile Editions, 2007), p. 94.

33. Quoted in Adamson,
Lawren S. Harris,
p. 33.

34. See Paul Duval,
Canadian Impressionism
(Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1990); and Lowrey,
Visions of Light and Air.

35. Quoted in Hunter Bishop, “MacDonald and the Club,” in Stacey and Bishop,
J.E.H. MacDonald, Designer,
p. 113.

36.
The Saturday Review,
31 December 1910.

37. Gregory S. Kealey,
Toronto's Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867–1892
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1980), p. 13; and Robert N. Pripps and Andrew Morland,
The Big Book of Massey Tractors
(St. Paul,
MN
: Voyageur Press, 2006,), p. 12.

38. R. Harris,
Unplanned Suburbs,
pp. 116–17.

39. For the growth of industry in Toronto between 1901 and 1911, see J.M.S. Careless,
Toronto to 1918: An Illustrated History
(Toronto: James Lorimer and Co., 1984), pp. 154–55.

40. See Stacey and Bishop,
J.E.H. MacDonald, Designer,
p. 42.

41.
Toronto Mail & Empire,
20 February 1911; and
Toronto Mail & Empire,
15 August 1911.
For a full account of the campaign, see Paul Stevens,
The 1911 General Election:
A Study in Canadian Politics
(Toronto: Copp Clark, 1970).

42. For the term “tinted steam,” applied to Turner's work by John Constable,
see K. Clark,
Landscape into Art,
p. 103.

43. For examples, see Roth, “Interactions,” pp. 18–19.

44. See Czaplicka, “Pictures of a City at Work,” pp. 15–16.

CHAPTER 4: EERIE WILDERNESSES

1. Quoted in Carl Berger, “The True North Strong and Free,” in Elspeth Cameron, ed.,
Canadian Culture: An Introductory Reader
(Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1997), p. 91.

2. Robyn Roslak,
Neo-Impressionism and Anarchism in Fin-de-Siècle France: Painting,
Politics and Landscape
(Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate, 2007), pp. 141–71.

3.
The Men of the Last Frontier
(Toronto: Macmillan, 1976), p. 76. This work was originally published in 1931.

4. J. Macdonald Oxley,
The Young Woodsman, or Life in the Forests of Canada
(London and New York: T. Nelson & Sons, 1897), p. 8. On the Portuguese lament, see A. Marshall Elliott, “Origin of the Name ‘Canada,'”
Modern Language Notes
3 (June 1888), pp. 164–73; and Alan Rayburn,
Naming Canada: Stories about Canadian Place Names,
rev. ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001), pp. 13–14. For studies of Canadian literature's fearful responses to the landscape, see Northrop Frye's “Canada and Its Poetry,” originally published in 1943 as a review of A.J.M. Smith's
The Book of Canadian Poetry
and reprinted in
The Bush Garden: Essays on the Canadian Imagination
(Toronto: House of Anansi Press, 1971), pp. 129–43. Frye's observations that the Canadian landscape “is consistently sinister and menacing in Canadian poetry” (p. 142) has been adopted and explored by a number of other critics. See especially D.G. Jones,
Butterfly on Rock: A Study of Themes and Images in Canadian Literature
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1970); Marcia B. Kline,
Beyond the Land Itself: Views of Nature in Canada and the United States
(Harvard University Press: Cambridge,
MA
, 1970); Margaret Atwood,
Survival: A Thematic Guide to Canadian Literature
(Toronto: House of Anansi, 1972); idem.,
Strange Things: The Malevolent North in Canadian Literature
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995; London: Virago, 2004); John Moss,
Patterns of Isolation in English Canadian Fiction
(Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974); and Gaile McGregor,
The Wacousta Syndrome: Explorations in the Canadian Landscape
(Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985). A number of critics dissent from this view. For a stern corrective to McGregor, see I.S. McLaren, “The McGregor Syndrome; or, the Survival of Patterns of Isolated Butterflies on Rocks in the Haunted Wilderness of the Unnamed Bush Garden Beyond the Land Itself,”
Canadian Poetry
18 (1986), pp. 118–30. Others critics have claimed that nineteenth-century Canadians regarded the forest and wilderness in more positive light: see M.L. MacDonald, “Literature and Society in the Canadas, 1830–1850” (PhD dissertation, Carleton University, 1984); and Susan Glickman,
The Picturesque and the Sublime: A Poetics of the Canadian Landscape
(Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1998). Glickman argues that the supposed menace and hostility of the Canadian landscape can be read in terms of British aesthetic categories of the sublime and the picturesque. Allan Smith argues, however, that those who saw the Canadian landscape in a positive light tended to be those who concentrated on the land's ability to sustain agricultural activity: see “Farms, Forests and Cities: The Image of the Land and the Rise of the Metropolis in Old Ontario, 1860–1914,” in David Keane and Colin Reade, eds.,
Old Ontario: Essays in Honour of J.M.S. Careless
(Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1990), pp. 71–94.

5.
Farmer's Advocate,
25 May 1905. Campbell's article was entitled “Back to the Land.”

6. Catharine Parr Traill,
The Canadian Settler's Guide,
7th ed. (Toronto: Office of the
Toronto Times,
1857), p. 217.

7.
James Bay Treaty: Treaty No. 9 (Made in 1905 and 1906) Adhesions Made in 1929 and 1930
(Ottawa: Printer and Controller of Stationery, 1931; 1964), p. 1; Bruce W. Hodgins and Kerry A. Cannon, “The Aboriginal Presence in Ontario Parks and Other Protected Places,” in John Marsh and Bruce W. Hodgins, eds.,
Changing Parks: The History, Future and Cultural Context of Parks and Heritage Landscapes
(Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1998), p. 52.

8. Stephen Leacock,
Adventurers of the Far North
(Toronto: Hunter-Ross Co., 1914), p. 2.

9.
The Times,
24 May 1911.

10. Quoted in Ragna Stang,
Edvard Munch: The Man and His Art,
trans. Geoffrey Culverwell (New York: Abbeville Press, 1977), p. 90.

11. Jasen,
Wild Things,
p. 104.

12. Ada Kinton, quoted in Astrid Taim,
Almaguin: A Highland History
(Toronto:
Dundurn Press, 1998), p. 45.

13. Norman Duncan,
Going Down from Jerusalem: The Narrative of a Sentimental Traveller
(New York and London: Harper & Brothers, 1909), p. 4.

14. On Henry Ward Ranger's reputation at the time, see Clara Ruge, “The Tonal School of America,”
International Studio
27 (1906), pp. 57–68.

15. See the full-page advertisements by Eaton's and Simpsons in the
Toronto Daily Star,
9 February 1912, 12 April 1913, and 17 November 1915. A.Y. Jackson lampoons these works and the practice by which they are sold in an unpublished article (written c. 1918 for
The Rebel
) called “Buckeyes”: see J.E.H. MacDonald Fonds,
MG
30
D
111, Container 1, File 14,
LAC
.

16. “Prefatory Note,”
Catalogue of the Thirty-eighth Annual Exhibition
(Toronto: Ontario Society of Artists, 1910), unpaginated.

17. In the 1915
OSA
exhibition Manly offered two landscapes for $300 each and Chavignaud one
(In the Land of Evangeline)
for $400.

18.
Catalogue of the Thirty-ninth Annual Exhibition
(Toronto: Ontario Society of Artists, 1911).

19.
The Canadian Magazine,
May 1904, December 1893.

20. Quoted in Joyce Henri Robinson, “‘Honey, I'm Home': Weary (Neurasthenic) Businessmen and the Formulation of a Serenely Modern Aesthetic,” in Andrew Ballantyne, ed.,
What is Architecture?
(Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2002), p. 118. For the studies of
Jean-Martin Charcot and Hippolyte Bernheim and their application to the arts,
see Debora L. Silverman,
Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siècle France: Politics, Psychology and Style
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 79–88.

21. Quoted in Housser,
A Canadian Art Movement,
p. 48.

22.
The Studio,
14 December 1912.

23. Quoted in Adamson,
Lawren S. Harris,
p. 44. This statement, a retrospective one,
comes from a 1954 address at the Vancouver Art Gallery.

24.
The Canadian Magazine,
November 1908.

CHAPTER 5: LIFE ON THE MISSISSAGI

1. William Broadhead to the Broadhead family,
LD
1980/11, 32 and 26, Sheffield Archives.

2. Grey Owl,
Tales of an Empty Cabin
(Toronto: Macmillan, 1936), p. 172.

3. Quoted in Lovat Dickson,
Wilderness Man: The Strange Story of Grey Owl
(London: Macmillan, 1974), p. 92.

4. This information comes from a
Toronto Mail & Empire
article by William Arthur Deacon. Entitled “Famed Canvases Found in Cabin,” it describes how Beaver Lodge was decorated with three Thomson sketches that Grey Owl acquired from a mysterious doughnut-making fire ranger on Lake Minisinakwa. I am grateful to Christine Lynett for allowing me to see this clipping, which is in her collection of the Tweedale family papers. Undated, it is undoubtedly from 1936, the year of publication for
Tales of an Empty Cabin,
the book that Grey Owl was promoting in Toronto at the time of his interview with Deacon.

5.
James Bay Treaty,
p. 16.

6. William Broadhead to the Broadhead family,
LD
1980/21, Sheffield Archives.

7.
Toronto Globe,
29 June 1904.

8. Quoted in Harold A. Innis,
The Fur Trade in Canada: An Introduction to Canadian Economic History,
rev. ed. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1956), p. 20. For a study of the canoe in Canadian history and mythology, see Daniel Francis,
National Dreams: Myth, Memory and Canadian History
(Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1997), pp. 128–51.

9. Addison and Harwood,
Tom Thomson,
p. 19.

10. Tom Thomson, Toronto, to Dr. J. M. McRuer, Huntsville, postmarked 17 October 1912,
MCAC
Archives.

11.
Man: A Canadian Home Magazine
(December 1885).

12. Izaak Walton,
The Compleat Angler, or The Contemplative Man's Recreation
(New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1897), p. 33. The description of angling as a “pleasant labour” is found
in Walton's dedication to John Offley. For a discussion of Thomson's interest in Walton,
see Hunter, “Mapping Tom,” in Reid,
Tom Thomson,
pp. 26–27.