Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (186 page)

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Authors: Diarmaid MacCulloch

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69
L.-E. Halkin,
Erasmus: A Critical Biography
(Oxford, 1993), 225: cf.
Opera omnia Erasmi Roterodami
(Amsterdam, 1969-), I, 146-7. For Protestant wriggles on this subject, see MacCulloch, 'Mary and Sixteenth-century Protestants', 211-14.

70
CWE
, XXXIX-XL:
Colloquies
, ed. C. R. Thompson (2 vols., 1997), II, 628 - 9; I, 198-9.

71
On the precedent in Agricola, see A. Levi in
JEH
, 34 (1983), 134.

72
For Erasmus's hard-headed attitude to his English Church pension, surviving even Henry VIII's break with Rome, see D. MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer: A Life
(New Haven and London, 1996), 98-9.

73
P. S. Allen, H. M. Allen and H. W. Garrod (eds.),
Opus Epistolarum Des: Erasmi Roterodami . . .
(12 vols., Oxford, 1906-58), III, no. 858, l. 561, at p. 376. Cf. a similar more extended passage in a letter to Servatius Rogerus in 1514, ibid., I, no. 296, ll. 70-88, at pp. 567-8.

74
B. Bradshaw, 'Interpreting Erasmus',
JEH
, 33 (1982), 596-610, at 597-601.

75
I Thessalonians 5.23: 'May the God of peace himself sanctify you wholly; and may your spirit and soul and body be kept sound and blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ.'

76
CWE
, LXVI:
Spiritualia: Enchiridion; De Contemptu Mundi; De Vidua Christiana
, ed. J. W. O'Malley (1988), 3, 34, 51, 69, 108, 127.

77
A. Godin,
Erasme lecteur d'Origene
(Geneva, 1982), esp. 21-32, 34-43, 372-96, 511-21, 680-83. Quotation: Erasmus to Eck, 15 May 1518, Allen et al. (eds.),
Opus Erasmi Epistolarum
, III, no. 844, ll. 252-4, at p. 337 [my translation]. It was only just over a year before Johann Eck would achieve particular celebrity as a tormentor of Martin Luther in their confrontation at Leipzig which provoked Luther's excommunication: see MacCulloch, 127.

78
In the full form allowed into the Authorized Version of 1611, the passage reads, 'For there are three that bear record [in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are one. And there are three that bear witness in earth], the Spirit, and the water, and the blood: and these three agree in one.' Square brackets enclose the text now generally rejected by scholarship.

79
S. D. Snobelen, ' "To us there is but one God, the Father": Antitrinitarian Textual Criticism in Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-century England', in Hessayon and Keene (eds.), 116-36, at 117-18. On Hilary and the 'Macedonians', see pp. 219-20. M. A. Screech,
Laughter at the Foot of the Cross
(London, 1997), is a magnificent study with Erasmus's sense of humour and irony at its heart.

17: A House Divided (1517-1660)

1
Scholarly argument (and, for what it is worth, my own opinion) sways on the fascinating but ultimately trivial question of whether the theses were actually nailed up on the door; Philipp Melanchthon asserted in 1546 that they were indeed, but that is the earliest explicit statement, and from just after Luther's death. M. Brecht,
Martin Luther: His Road to Reformation 1483-1521
(Philadelphia, 1985), 200-202, weighs the question with Teutonic thoroughness, and his cautiously positive conclusion is probably the best that we can do: the nailing on the door took place, but probably later than 31 October.

2
E. Rummel,
The Confessionalization of Humanism in Reformation Germany
(Oxford, 2000), 19.

3
Some may consider this an understatement, but see a wise little essay by A. G. Dickens, 'Luther and the Humanists', in P. Mack and M. C. Jacob (eds.),
Politics and Culture in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honour of H. G. Koenigsberger
(Cambridge, 1987), 199-213, repr. in A. G. Dickens,
Late Monasticism and the Reformation
(London and Rio Grande, 1994), 87-100.

4
G. L. Bruns,
Hermeneutics Ancient and Modern
(New Haven and London, 1992), 139-40.

5
R. Marius,
Martin Luther: The Christian between God and Death
(Cambridge, MA, and London, 1999), Chs. 6, 7, esp. at 108. For the text, see W. Pauck (ed.),
Luther: Lectures on Romans
(Philadelphia and London: Library of Christian Classics 15, 1956).

6
Abridged version in G. Rupp and B. Drewery (eds.),
Martin Luther
(London, 1970), 5-7.

7
The Vulgate Latin of the passage is '
Justitia enim dei in eo revelatur ex fide in fidem: sicut scriptum est, "Iustus autem ex fide vivit"
'. Compare E. P. Sanders's construction of the verb 'righteoused': see pp. 100-101.

8
M. Brecht,
Martin Luther: Shaping and Defining the Reformation 1521-1532
(Minneapolis, 1990), 378-9; cf. 395-6.

9
C. M. Koslofsky,
The Reformation of the Dead: Death and Ritual in Early Modern Germany 1450-1700
(Basingstoke, 2000), 34-9.

10
See other examples in Naphy (ed.), 11-12.

11
R. L. Williams, 'Martin Cellarius and the Reformation in Strasburg',
JEH
, 32 (1981), 477-98, at 490-91.

12
B. A. Felmberg,
Die Ablasstheologie Kardijnal Cajetans (1469-1534)
(Leiden, 1998), esp. 183-6, 312-27, 387-400.

13
The Freedom of a Christian
: J. Pelikan and H. T. Lehmann (eds.),
Luther's Works
(55 vols. and 1 companion vol., Philadelphia and St Louis, 1958-86), XXXI, 344.

14
E. Wolgast,
Die Wittenberger Luther-Ausgabe: zur uberlieferungsgeschichte der Werke Luthers im 16.Jahrhundert
(Nieuwkoop, 1971), col. 122. For the speech, Rupp and Drewery (eds.),
Martin Luther
, 58-60.

15
For (perhaps Evangelically indulgent) treatment of examples of the ways in which Luther pushed the Bible's meaning towards his own priorities, see M. D. Thompson,
A Sure Ground on Which to Stand: The Relation of Authority and Interpretive Method in Luther's Approach to Scripture
(Carlisle, 2004), esp. 112-46, 235-9.

16
J. I. Packer and O. R. Johnston (eds.),
Martin Luther: The Bondage of the Will
(London, 1957), 318;
D. Martin Luthers Werke
(The
Weimarer Ausgabe
: Weimar, 1883-), XVIII, 786.

17
CWE
, LXVI:
Hyperaspistes
, in
Controversies
, ed. C. Trinkaus (1999), 117.

18
Melanchthon's surname is an example of the Renaissance convention by which scholarly clerics and academics often adopted Latinized or cod-Greek names from their place of origin, like Johannes Pomeranus ('the Pomeranian') for Johann Bugenhagen, or as translations of their ordinary surname, like Johannes Oecolampadius for Johann Hussgen ('John House-Lamp'!). Melanchthon translates the German surname 'Schwarzerd' - 'black earth'.

19
N. Davies,
God's Playground: A History of Poland. 1: The Origins to 1795
(Oxford, 1981), 143; H. Bornkamm,
Luther in Mid-career 1521-1530
(London, 1983), Ch. 12.

20
Benedict, 17.

21
M. Aston,
England's Iconoclasts: 1. Laws against Images
(Oxford, 1988), 39-43, 378-9; S. Michalski,
The Reformation and the Visual Arts: The Protestant Image Question in Western and Eastern Europe
(London, 1993), 19, 29, 176.

22
K. H. Marcus, 'Hymnody and Hymnals in Basel, 1526-1606',
SCJ
, 32 (2001), 723-42, 731 - 2.

23
Benedict, 65-6.

24
L. Harder,
The Sources of Swiss Anabaptism: The Grebel Letters and Related Documents
(Scottdale, PA, 1985), [no. 63], 290.

25
The best brief account of Munster is still N. Cohn,
The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages
(London, 1970 edn), 252-80.

26
An enormous amount of valuable information on radicalism is contained in G. H. Williams,
The Radical Reformation
(London, 1962). His categorization of different sorts of radicalism (ibid., xxiv-xxxi and
passim
) has not stood the test of time as well and I adopt my own approach. Another attempt at analysis is H. J. Hillerbrand (ed.), 'Radicalism in the Early Reformation: Varieties of Reformation in Church and Society', in Hillerbrand (ed.),
Radical Tendencies in the Reformation: Divergent Perspectives
(
SCES
, 9, 1988), 25-41.

27
E. Fulton,
Catholic Belief and Survival in Late Sixteenth-century Vienna: The Case of Georg Eder (1523-87)
(Aldershot, 2007), Ch. 1; M. A. Chisholm, 'The
Religionspolitik
of Emperor Ferdinand I (1521-1564): Tyrol and the Holy Roman Empire',
European History Quarterly
, 38 (2008), 551-77, at 561-5.

28
On Anne's evangelical views, see E. W. Ives,
The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn
(Oxford, 2004), Ch. 19, which is a knockout response to G. W. Bernard, 'Anne Boleyn's Religion',
HJ
, 36 (1993), 1-20.

29
Thomas Cromwell has often been caricatured as an amoral pantomime villain, the most egregious recent example being the biography by R. Hutchinson,
Thomas Cromwell: The Rise and Fall of Henry VIII's Most Notorious Minister
(London, 2007). For evidence that he displayed evangelical principle to a reckless extent and acted on it in influencing foreign policy, showing an ideological commitment which may explain his eventual fall, see D. MacCulloch, 'Heinrich Bullinger and the English-speaking World', in P. Opitz and E. Campi (eds.),
Heinrich Bullinger: Life-Thought-Influence
(2 vols.,
Zurcher Beitrage zur Reformationsgeschichte
24, 2006), II, 891-934, at 892-909.

30
Gen. 3.6-7, qu. D. Daniell,
William Tyndale: A Biography
(New Haven and London, 1994), 286, and the Deuteronomy prologue qu. ibid., 288. Daniell's is a uniquely sensitive portrait.

31
D. Daniell, 'William Tyndale, the English Bible and the English Language', in O. O'Sullivan (ed.),
The Bible as Book: The Reformation
(London, 2000), 39-50, at 47.

32
Daniell,
William Tyndale
, 1.

33
The definitive study of this often-neglected second phase is A. Kreider,
English Chantries: The Road to Dissolution
(Cambridge, MA, 1979), while the best survey of the dissolution remains D. Knowles,
Bare Ruined Choirs: The Dissolution of the English Monasteries
(Cambridge, 1976).

34
The best introduction to Henry VIII's reformation is R. Rex,
Henry VIII and the English Reformation
(2nd edn, Basingstoke, 2006). See also D. MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer: A Life
(London and New Haven, 1996), Chs. 3-9.

35
See various essays in Opitz and Campi (eds.),
Heinrich Bullinger
, esp. II, 755-820, 891-950. On marriage, C. Euler, 'Practical Piety: Bullinger's Marriage Theory as a Skilful Blending of Theory and Praxis', ibid., II, 661-70.

36
L. J. Abray, 'Confession, Conscience and Honour: The Limits of Magisterial Tolerance in 16th Century Strassburg', in O. Grell and B. Scribner (eds.),
Tolerance and Intolerance in the European Reformation
(Cambridge, 1996), 94-107.

37
MacCulloch, 227-9, 270-71.

38
The Schmalkaldic League had been named after the small town of Schmalkalden where the Lutheran princes and cities had reached their agreement in 1531 after Charles V had rejected their Confession at the Augsburg Diet in 1530.

39
MacCulloch,
Thomas Cranmer
, Chs. 9-11.

40
'Death us do part' was 'death us depart' when Cranmer wrote it, but the phrase has effortlessly survived the changing meaning of 'depart'.

41
The Gelasian original and Cranmer's version are helpfully laid side by side in F. E. Brightman (ed.),
The English Rite
(2 vols., London, 1915), I, 164.

42
The common image of Edward as a sickly youth is a lazy back-projection from his final illness, which was probably pneumonia. For correctives, see D. MacCulloch,
Tudor Church Militant: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation
(London, 1999), esp. Ch. 1.

43
A fine overview of these extraordinary events, much stranger than they appear in previous historiography, is E. Ives,
Lady Jane Grey: A Tudor Mystery
(Oxford, 2009).

44
Of all the many lives of Calvin, one of the most currently fresh and interesting is B. Cottret,
Calvin: A Biography
(Grand Rapids and Edinburgh, 2000).

45
The background and excerpted text of the
Ordinances
are helpfully presented in G. R. Potter and M. Greengrass (eds.),
John Calvin: Documents of Modern History
(London, 1983), 69-76.

46
For the arrangements which Calvin made for support of poor exiles, see J. E. Olson,
Calvin and Social Welfare: Deacons and the
Bourse francaise (Selinsgrove, 1989), esp. 161-83.

47
For further discussion of the Servetus episode, see MacCulloch, 244-6.

48
The standard English edition of the final text is J. Calvin, ed. J. T. McNeill and F. L. Battles,
Institutes of the Christian Religion
(2 vols., Philadelphia: Library of Christian Classics XX, XXI, 1960).

49
Cf. J. Calvin, ed. F. L. Battles,
Institutes of the Christian Religion, 1536 Edition
(London, 1975), 15, with Calvin, ed. McNeill and Battles,
Institutes
, II, 35 [
Institutes
I.i.1].

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