American Uprising (20 page)

104 “flee immediately . . . [the] farm”: Conrad,
The German Coast
, 107.

104 All knew . . . that much clear: Freehling,
The Road to Disunion
, 79.

105 In a panic . . .blazed by escaping slaves: Conrad,
The German Coast
, 107.

105 “torrent of rain and the frigid cold”: Perret, in Engerman, Drescher, and Paquette,
Slavery
, 324.

105 “Freedom or death”: Dubois,
Avengers of the New World
, 116.

106 half of James Brown’s slaves: American Uprising Slave Database.

106 the average height . . . inches: Kiple,
The Caribbean Slave
, 58.

107 “The Assianthes . . . cold blood”: Fynn,
Asante and Its Neighbours
, 143.

107 Drawn in small groups . . . Anglo-Americans: American Uprising Slave Database; Denunciations.

108 “there was a large number . . . killing whites”: Labranche testified that Dominique told slaves along the way to warn their masters of the uprising. “Labranche added that he knew that while Dominique, Bernard Bernoudy’s slave, was on his way home to alert his master, he stopped at Pierre Pain’s farm and instructed Pain’s slave Denys to warn as many whites as possible of the impending danger,” read the court testimony. Conrad,
The German Coast
, 107.

108 When Dominique arrived . . . along the way: Conrad,
The German Coast
, 107.

108 Local legend . . . a black child: Kane,
Plantation Parade
, 128.

108 Trépagnier did not think . . . for the slaves to arrive: Charles Gayarré,
History of Louisiana
, 4: 267–68.

109 Kook led a party . . . to pieces: Denunciations; American Uprising Slave Database.

9. A City in Chaos

115 In the dense neighborhood . . . plantations of the German Coast: Bernhard,
Travels Through North America
, 2:54–55, 71.

116 Slaves formed the great . . . one side to the other: Bernhard,
Travels Through North America
, 2:56.

117 They had heard the stories . . . children alike: Langley,
The Americas in the Age of Revolution
, 112–13.

117 “miniature representation of the horrors of St. Domingo”:
Baltimore American and Commercial Party Advertiser
, February 20, 1811.

117 “Sometime before noon . . . West Florida”: Claiborne to General Wade Hampton, New Orleans, January 7, 1811, in W. C. C. Claiborne,
Official Letter Books
, 92.

117 He feared . . . slaves and free black people: “Message from the Mayor, January 12, 1811,” in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 274.

118 “Sir . . . repass the same”: Claiborne to General Wade Hampton, New Orleans, January 9, 1811, in W. C. C. Claiborne,
Official Letter Books
, 93.

118 “All the Cabarets . . . immediately closed”: Claiborne, “General Orders,” January 9, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 267.

118 “People of color . . . under mask”: Kinser,
Carnival, American Style
, 25.

118 “No male Negro . . . 6 o’clock”: Claiborne, “General Orders,” January 9, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 267.

119 “about 12 O’Clock . . . beyond description”: Hampton, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 269

119 of equal ferocity to the revolutionaries of Haiti: François-Xavier Martin described “carriages, wagons and carts, filled with women and children . . . bringing the most terrible accounts.” It was, he wrote, a “miniature representation of the horrors of St. Domingo. ”
Baltimore American and Commercial Party Advertiser
, February 20, 1811.

119 “weak detachment . . . by the Rioters”: John Shaw to Paul Hamilton, New Orleans, 18 January 1811.

120 “All were on the alert . . . and property”: John Shaw to Paul Hamilton, New Orleans, 18 January 1811.

120 “I pray God . . . murdering career”: Claiborne to Major St. Amand, New Orleans, January 9, 1811, in W. C. C. Claiborne,
Official Letter Books
, 93–94.

121 a party of volunteer cavalry: New Orleans City Court, Case No. 195, February 18, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 246–47.

122 Riding along the River Road . . . chaos of the German Coast: New Orleans City Court, Case No. 195, February 18, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 246.

10. A Second Wind

124 Augustin, a highly valued sugar worker: He was valued at $1,000. American Uprising Slave Database.

124 Horses were powerful military tools: For more on the military advantages of horses, see Law, “Horses, Firearms, and Political Power.”

124 At the plantation of Butler and McCutcheon . . . with his family: The rebel Simon had escaped from the plantation before. Simon was “lately from Baltimore, about 20 years of age, 5 feet 6 or 7 inches high, has a scar on his left cheek, and one on his forehead, handsome features.” Brought to New Orleans by the internal slave trade, Simon had tried to escape back to his birthplace and presumably his family.
Louisiana
Gazette
(New Orleans)
,
July 24, 1810, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 166.

124 Dawson . . . Joe Wilkes: American Uprising Slave Database.

125 Jasmin, Chelemagne, and Gros and Petit Lindor: American Uprising Slave Database.

125 Rubin and Coffy: American Uprising Slave Database.

125 “to keep an eye on the situation”: Conrad,
The German Coast
, 107.

126 threatening to kill any slaves that would not join: Denunciations.

126 The rebels knew . . . violence, too: Dagobert, a slave owned by Delhomme, testified that “except for the ones whom he denounced for having marched of their own free will, he believes that the others whom he accused were forced to march.” In the trial of a runaway a month after the uprising, Étienne Trépagnier’s slave Augustin “stated that he had nothing to do with the recent insurrection; that during the event he was taken by some blacks who threatened him and demanded to know the name of his master.” Denunciations; Conrad,
The German Coast
, 108.

126 set fire to the home of the local doctor: Denunciations; American Uprising Slave Database.

126 very different approaches to medicine and healing: “Slaves were commonly used as medical doctors and surgeons in eighteenth-century Louisiana,” wrote Gwendolyn Midlo Hall. “They were skilled in herbal medicine and were often better therapists than the French doctors, who were always described as surgeons.” Hall,
Africans in Colonial Louisiana
, 126.

126 But the slaves . . . white medicine: Alexandre Labranche wrote that “he lost a house which was occupied by the doctor, located near Pierre Reine’s line; burned by the brigands, valued at $1,000.” Conrad,
The German Coast
, 109–10.

126 wealthiest and largest plantation: “When Louis-Augustin Meuillion, probably the largest slaveholder on the Coast, died in 1811, his succession inventory listed fewer than one hundred slaves,” wrote Conrad. Conrad,
The German Coast
, viii.

126 pillaging and destroying: “The sale of household objects did not conform to the inventory because, during the slave uprising of January 9, the house was entered and pillaged.” Conrad,
The German Coast
, 102.

127 “did alone . . . of the late Meuillion”: Conrad,
The German Coast
, 104.

127 Half Native American: Bazile is described as a
griffe
, or a black-Indian mixture. American Uprising Slave Database; Hall,
Africans in Colonial Louisiana
, 113.

127 Cannes Brûlées: “With one Benjamin Morgan, [William Kenner] acquired land a few miles upriver from New Orleans in an area called ‘Cannes-Brulees’ (Land of the Burnt Canes) so-named from the Indians’ historic practice of torching marsh-grass canes to flush out their game.” Smith and Smith,
Cane, Cotton & Crevasses
, 25.

127 “most outstanding brigands”: Denunciations.

127 Harry garnered . . . hand, Harry: American Uprising Slave Database; Denunciations.

127 all the black males: Denunciations.

127 Lindor, a coachman and carter: American Uprising Slave Database.

128 124 individual slaves: The survey of planters conducted by the St. Charles Parish planters indicates that 124 slaves were involved in the 1811 insurrection. Eyewitnesses reported up to 500. American Uprising Slave Database.

128 rivaling the size of the American military force in the region: Young, “The United States Army in the South.”

128 been employed as unskilled or low-skilled workers: In terms of occupation, there was a fair mix. Field hands, cartmen, and sugar workers dominated the roster, with many other occupations appearing occasionally. Field hands, cartmen, sugar workers of various types, plowmen, and shovel, pickaxe, and axe workers seem to have been the most common occupations. American Uprising Slave Database.

128 “only one half . . . cane knives”:
Louisiana
Gazette
(New Orleans)
,
January 17, 1811.

129 “The Brigands . . . Sugar works”: Wade Hampton to the Secretary of War, New Orleans, January 16, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 269–70.

129 “a few young men . . . great silence”: Hampton to the Secretary of War, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 269–70.

130 “killing poultry . . . and rioting”:
Richmond Enquirer,
February 22, 1811. This article is a reproduction of a piece in the
Louisiana
Gazette,
the original of which is practically unreadable.

130 Warfare . . . better-armed forces: Dubois,
Avengers of the New World,
108.

130 pursue the fugitives:
Richmond Enquirer,
February 22, 1811.

11. The Battle

135 “My poor son . . . of that nature”: Misspellings are original to the document. Manuel Andry to Claiborne, New Orleans, January 11, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 268.

136 “halt the progress of the revolt”: Perret, in Engerman, Drescher, and Paquette,
Slavery
, 324–26.

137 “forced march”: “About 9 o’clock of the same Morning they were fallen in with by a spirited party of Young Men from the opposite side of the river, who fired upon & disperse them, Killing some 15, or 20, & wounding a great many more,” wrote Hampton. Wade Hampton to the Secretary of War, New Orleans, January 16, 1811, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 269–70.

137 “Let those who are willing . . . move out!”: Perret to Fontaine, in Engerman, Drescher, and Paquette,
Slavery
, 324–26.

139 “In action . . . three hundred feet distance”: Lewis,
Small Arms and Ammunition
, 305.

138 “We are now fighting . . . die first”: Redkey,
A Grand Army of Black Men
, 147–48.

138 “The blacks . . . in line”: Report of Spanish Consul, January 13, 1811.

138
Recover arms . . . aim, fire
: Lewis,
Small Arms and Ammunition
, 301.

139. clouds of smoke: Hess,
The Union Soldier in Battle
, 8.

139 Guns roared . . .invisible: Hess,
The Union Soldier in Battle
, 130–31.

139. Their hair . . . their faces: Hess,
The Union Soldier in Battle
, 8.

140 “Fifteen or twenty . . . into the woods”: Report of Spanish Consul, January 13, 1811, Eusebio Bardari y Azara to Vicente Folch, February 6, 1811.

140 “left 40 to 45 men . . . several chiefs”: Perret to Fontaine, in Engerman, Drescher, and Paquette,
Slavery
, 324–26.

140 “considerable slaughter”: Andry to Claiborne, in Thrasher,
On to New Orleans!
, 268.

140 “I was desolate . . . prospect before me”: Northup/Eakin and Logsdon,
Twelve Years a Slave
, 100.

141 party of Native Americans:
Raleigh Star,
February 24, 1811. This was a common strategy in Louisiana’s maroon wars. Hall,
Africans in Colonial Louisiana
, 365–66. The Indians often sided with the Europeans in wars against the slaves, because their own ideology portrayed slaves as outcasts deserving of little sympathy. “Natchez Indians had their own notions of slavery, as did the neighboring Choctaw. American Indian forms of slavery were different from those employed by Europeans in the Americas. The Natchez and Choctaw viewed slavery in terms of membership in (or exclusion from) society.” Libby,
Slavery and Frontier Mississippi
, xii.