Authors: Michael Rosen
Also by Michael Rosen
Selected Poems
Fighters for Life: Selected Poems
William Shakespeare, In His Time For Our Time
Michael Rosen's Sad Book, illustrated by Quentin Blake
The Penguin Book of Childhood
Copyright © 2015 Michael Rosen
All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission from the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Is Available
ISBN 978-1-61902-516-5
Cover design by Jen Heuer
COUNTERPOINT
2560 Ninth Street, Suite 318
Berkeley, CA 94710
Distributed by Publishers Group West
10
 Â
9
 Â
8
 Â
7
 Â
6
 Â
5
 Â
4
 Â
3
 Â
2
 Â
1
For the three Es, Emma, Elsie and Emile
CONTENTS
S is for Signs and Sign Systems
I
N FRONT OF
me is a line of children and parents who want me to sign their books. As each child comes up to the table I ask their name. For most of the names, I check how it's spelled. Sometimes this is because it's one I haven't heard of, sometimes it's because there are several ways to spell the name, sometimes it's because it's quite possible that the parents have invented a new spelling. So I ask. The child or the parent spells it out for me: âS-h-e-r-r-i-l-e-e-n.' âThank you,' I say. âDid you come up with that spelling?'
âYes,' says the mother.
âGreat,' I say, enjoying the fact that people feel free to take the alphabet into their own hands and use it for their own purposes, making up names, making up spellings, getting the letters that are given to us to do a job that they want done.
The next child arrives. I write his name: âTariq', and have a quiet smile to myself how the rule that the letter âq' must, must,
must
be accompanied by a âu' and if it's at the end of a word with a âu' and an âe' is quietly but insistently laid to one side by people with Muslim names. Although we talk of ârules' in language, they are in fact more like treaties between consenting groups. We abide by these until such time as someone or some group thinks that they would like to change things and so a new clause is written into the treaty: people with Muslim names don't have to do that âu' or âu' plus âe' thing.
I write my name in their book: âMichael Rosen', and I look
at it, trying to be the child or the parent looking at that name for the first time. Will they notice that the âm' is always asymmetrical; the dot on the âi' is more like an acute accent, pointing up to the top right-hand corner of the page; the âr' is flashily curly; the âs' is decidedly uncurly?
Like many people I'm curious about my name, but on occasions when the air in schools is full of talk about âphonics', I look at âMichael' and wonder about the history that enabled the âi' to be âlong' and not short like the âi' in âpin'. I wonder why the âch' is there when a âk' would have done the job very well, and indeed some of the children standing in front of me come from places where it is âMikel'. And then, what about that âae', which I and most English speakers pronounce with the all-pervasive sound which has its own special name â the âschwa': why is it âae'? Were the two letters once stuck together as we used to see in âencyclopædia' and âmediæval'? Or was it once an âae' which was separated by one of the few dots and slashes that English used to be fairly free with? The double dot that used to sit over the âi' in ânaïve' â looking like the German âumlaut' but, because it does a different job, separating out vowels â gets its own special name, the âdieresis'. And look, here comes a girl to whom, when she tells me her name, I say, âIs that Zoe with dots, or no dots?'
Then, on to the âRosen', which often gives people a moment's bother. Is the âs' like âs' in âchosen' or the âs' in âcloser'? I tell people it's âRose' with an ân' on the end, a German name. A little flash of German lessons in the late 1950s appears in my thoughts, followed by the memory that the users of English nearly got rid of those ân' plurals but not quite: âchild' â âchildren', âman' â âmen', âwoman' â âwomen'. How interesting that one last refuge for the ân' plural is to do with our sexes â and the result of those sexual differences. As you follow the
development of English, starting out with those cross-Channel migrants, the Frisians from what is now northern Holland, you can see how another wave, the Norman French, put the ân' to flight. In most circumstances, people change the language they use by choice, not from being compelled to. Over hundreds of years, people swapped Germanic Ns for Romance Ss. I remember being read a Walter de la Mare poem when I was at school that had the word âshoon' in it. âIt means “shoes”,' explained our teacher. âRosen, it means “roses”,' I think.
In the early years of the nineteenth century, Jews sought equal rights in the German principalities. Part of the deal was that they would take on German names in their daily affairs. This had its price â quite literally; Jews had to buy these new names when some couldn't afford to, and they were sometimes given derogatory, mocking or even obscene names: âOchsenschwanz' â âoxtail' â with the tail being lewdly ambiguous; âHinkediger' â âhunchback'; âKaufpisch' â âsell-piss'. In my family name, though, there is a memory that some forebear had enough money to buy an old German name which was used to record that someone worked in the rose-water trade. What's more, it has been suggested that the Rosen-type names were popular amongst those Jews whose Hebrew name recorded a matronymic, a name that says: âI am the son of this woman'. So, a man might be Ezra ben Rosa â son of Rosa, and to remember that, some people opted for one of the Rosen-type names. The sound of âRosa', transferred across from Hebrew letters, conserved in the Roman letters âr', âo', âs' and âe', was perhaps a piece of cultural self-awareness, resistance even. I take it that people anywhere, any time, can make letters do this kind of work for them. If the situation demands it, they can switch languages, create hybrids, invent new spellings â new identities even. Naming ourselves and others is part of how we
show that we are at one and the same time âme' and part of an âus'. Slight changes in spellings, initials or even the particular script might signify a great deal.
Letters, then, are ours; we inherit them in what look like fixed ways but there is some leeway for us to change their use. It's this process of being within the history of language but also in possession of the possibility of its change that has always fascinated me. It's why I've written this book.
Before I get going, I should clear the decks. The book is apparently about âthe' alphabet, but in truth it's about âan' alphabet, the one that speakers of English use. It's sometimes called the âRoman alphabet' which is misleading because, no matter how beautifully we may think they carved their inscriptions in stone, the Romans didn't have all twenty-six letters or the lower case. If we say it's the alphabet used by European languages, that too is slightly misleading because languages other than English that use the same letters have added special features of their own, like the German double âs' symbol, âÃ', or the many varied âdiacritics' or âaccents'. To my mind, the accents, the umlaut, the tilde, the circumflex, the cedilla and the rest are part of people's alphabets. The alphabet of this book, which I'll be calling âthe alphabet', hasn't developed these useful signs. To be absolutely clear: just because I'm calling it âthe alphabet', I'm not intending to lend it any particular glitter or glory; I'm not positioning it in any way higher in status than any other alphabet or system of writing. It's âthe' alphabet, as in âthe alphabet I use when I write in English'.