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[50]

Against Apion,
1.1.

[51]
Against Apion
, 1.3.

[52]
Against Apion
, 1.41. Emphasis added.

[53]
Seder Olam Rabbah, 30
as
quoted in Leiman,
Canonization
, 66.

[54]
Tosefta Sotah
13:2 as quoted
in Leiman,
Canonization
, 66.

[55]
See Mt 10:41; 11:9; 14:5; 21:11, 26,
46; Mk 6:4, 15; 11:32; 7:16, 39, 24:19; Lk 2:36; Jn 1:21; 4:19; 9:17; 11:51 et
al.).

[56]
See
Antiquities
1.240-41;
3.218; 13.311-13; 20.97-99; 20.167-68; 20.169-72; 20.188; 20.167-68; 6.283-87;
14.22-24, et al.).

[57]
 John M. Scannell
, The Canon
of Sacred Scripture: A Contribution to the Controversy on Rome and the Bible
(Southhampton: Steam Printing, 1892), 4, 16.

[58]
Artaxerxes’ reign (464–424 BC)
roughly corresponds to the period covered by Herodotus and Thucydides (ca.
460–400 BC) as well as the historians Cadmus of Miletus and Acusilaus of Argos
(ca. 550–500 BC) who are mentioned by Josephus in
Against Apion
1.2.

[59]
Rebecca Gray,
Prophetic Figures in
Late Second Temple Jewish Palestine: The Evidence from Josephus
. London
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 12-13.

[60]
Antiquities
Book 20, Chapter
11 § 2.

[61]
Francis E. Gigot,
General
Introduction to the Study of the Holy Scriptures
(New York: Benzinger
Brothers, 1900), 33, commenting on
Jewish Antiquities
Book 12, Chapter
5, § 1- Book 13, Chapter 7, Books 11, Chapter 6 § 6, etc.

[62]
Herbert E. Ryle,
The Canon of the
Old Testament
(London: Macmillan & Co., 1904), 170-171.

[63]
 See
Josephus, the Bible and
History,
ed. Louis Feldman (Wayne State University Press, 1989).

[64]
 See J. N. D. Kelly,
The
Oxford Dictionary of the Popes
(Oxford/New York: Oxford University Press,
1988), 7

[65]
 This allusion is confirmed by
W. H. Daubney, F.X. Glimm, E.J. Goodspeed, R.M. Grant, A. Harnack, J.A. Kleist,
D.R. Knopf, K. Lake, J. B. Lightfoot, J.P. Migne, C.C. Richardson, and J.
Sparks. Westcott, however, calls this connection into doubt (Brooke F. Westcott,
The Bible in the Church: a Popular Account of the Collection and Reception
of the Holy Scriptures in the Christian Churches
(New York: Macmillian and
Co., 1887), 84-85), but elsewhere acknowledges that Clement did not restrict
himself to only the Protocanonical books (Westcott,
Bible
,123).

[66]
 Oesterley,
Introduction
,
125.

[67]
Gk. “…dia charitos tou theou.”

[68]
1 Clement 42:1 and 47:1 respectively.

[69]
Ralph J. Brabban II, “The Use of the
Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha in the Writings of the Apostolic Fathers”
(Ph.D.
diss., Baylor University, 1984), 350-51. Martin Hengel,
The Septuagint As
Christian Scripture: Its Prehistory and The Problem of the Canon
(Baker
Academic, 2004), 115.

[70]
 The relationship between these
two texts is disputed. Oesterley sees an intermingling of Ws 2:12 and Is 3:9-10
indicating that both were of equal authority. (Oesterley,
Introduction
,
125). Similarly, the
The Ante Nicene Fathers
, edited by Roberts and
Donaldson (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans Publishers) acknowledges both passages. See
ANF
1.140, FN. 19. Likewise, Migne, Muilenburg, Kraft, Goodspeed, Lake, and Sparks
confirms this connection as does Brabban, who calls it a “loose paraphrase”
(Brabban, “Use of the Apocrypha,” 358-59). Westcott (Westcott, 84), Beckwith
(Rodger Beckwith,
The Old Testament Canon of the New Testament Church and
its Background in Early Judaism
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985), 427, FN.
208) and Norman L. Geisler and Ralph E. MacKenzie’s
Roman Catholics and
Evangelicals: Agreements and Differences
(Grand Rapids: Baker Book House,
1995), 161) and others dispute this connection.

[71]
 Ws 2:15-16

[72]
 Irenaeus of Lyons,
Against
Heresies
, 3.3.4.
ANF
1.416.

[73]
 This passage is a Latin translation
from the Greek of Tb 4:10a and 12:9a. There is little question that this is an
intended quote from Tobit. See Brabban, “Use of the Apocrypha,” 357-58.
Polycarp also appears to quote Tb 14:9b in
Polycarp
2:1a.

[74]
 Polycarp,
Letter to the
Philippians
10:1-3. Emphasis added. The biblical references are cited. See
ANF
1.35 FN 12-15. Also see, Kirsopp Lake,
Apostolic Fathers
(Harvard
University Press, 1960) 24.294-297.

[75]
 Polycarp, a disciple of St.
John the Apostle, quotes a passage from Tobit, which is deemed theologically
erroneous by Protestants.

[76]
 For example, Breen sees a link
between
Similitude
9:23 and Sir 28:3 (Breen,
Introduction
,
64-65). Others see links between
Visions
3.7.3 and Sir 18:30;
Visions
4.3.4 and Sir 2:5;
Mandates
5.2.3 and Tb 4:19, also
Mandates
10.1.6 and Sir 2:3.

[77]

The Shepherd of Hermas
,
First Commandment
,
1.

[78]
 Did God create everything out
of nothing or did he create everything from pre-existing matter? Christians
believe the former. Some Protocanonical passage imply creation
ex nihilo
(e.g., Genesis 1:1, Psalms 124:8; 146:6 and Romans 4:17
)
, but only
2
Mc 7:28 teaches this doctrine explicitly.

[79]
Emphasis added.

[80]
 Hengel doubts Hermas’ dependence
on Maccabees. He prefers to see this passage as a quote from an early Jewish
confession of faith. Hengel,
Septuagint
, 118.

[81]
 J. B. Lightfoot, et al., eds.
The
Apostolic Fathers
, 2 ed (Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1990), 150, FN 12.

[82]

Didache
4:3-5.

[83]
 See
Didache
4.3-5.

[84]
 Compare
Second Clement
16:4 and Polycarp’s
Letter to the Philippians
10:1-3.

[85]
 McDonald,
Formation
,
129.

[86]
 Brabban, “Use of the
Apocrypha,” 367-68.

[87]
 Jack P. Lewis, “What Do We Mean
by Jamnia,”
JBR
32 (1964).

[88]
 See George F. Moore, “The
Definition of the Jewish Canon and the Repudiation of the Christian Scripture,”
in
The Canon and Masorah of the New Hebrew Bible,
ed. Sid Z. Lieman (New
York: KTAV, 1974), 101 et seq.; also J. Bloch, “Outside Books,” in
Canon and
Masorah
, 202-223. Also see McDonald,
Formation
, 126 FN 95.

[89]
 Gershom Bader,
The
Encyclopedia of Talmudic Sages
(Jason Aronson, 1993), 263 et seq.

[90]
 As Eusebius puts it, “The
leader of the Jews at this time was a man by the name of Barcocheba, who
possessed the character of a robber and a murderer, but nevertheless, relying
upon his name, boasted to them, as if they were slaves, that he possessed
wonderful powers; and he pretended that he was a star that had come down to
them out of heaven to bring them light in the midst of their misfortunes

(Church History
, 4,6,2).

[91]
 Moore, “Jewish Canon,” 140.

[92]
 Justin Martyr in
First
Apology
, 31 writes, “For in the Jewish war which lately raged,
Barchochebas, the leader of the revolt of the Jews, gave orders that Christians
alone should be led to cruel punishments, unless they would deny Jesus Christ
and utter blasphemy.”

[93]
 Moore, “Jewish Canon,” 141.

[94]

Tosefta Yadayim
, 2:13 as
it is quoted in Leiman,
Canonization
, 109. Also see Moore, “Jewish
Canon,” 117-21.

[95]
 See Roberts,
IDB
4: 585.
Also See
Qumran and the History of the Biblical Text
, ed. F.M. Cross and
S. Talmon (Harvard University Press, Massachusetts), 1975, 228-229.

[96]
 McDonald,
Formation
, 89.

[97]
 Gigot,
Introduction
,
284-285, Also Julio T. Barrera,
The Jewish Bible and the Christian Bible: An
Introduction to the History of the Bible
, trans. W.G.E. Watson, (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans), 1998, 314.

[98]
 This may explain the repeated
attempts by Christians to construct lists of what the Jews accept as Scripture
as well as the fact that Christians continued to cite the Deuterocanon against
the Jews for hundreds of years after the Second Revolt.

[99]
 For example,
Sedar Olam
Rabban
, 30 was written ca. AD 165–200;
Tosefta Sotah
13:2 was
written ca. AD 200;
Jer. Taanith
2.1 et al. were written ca. AD 200 or
later;
Bab. Baba Bathra
, 12a was written around third or fourth century
AD; and
Bab. Baba Bartha
12b was written second or third century AD. All
of these traditions were either edited or redacted by Rabbi Akiba or one of his
disciples (e.g. R. Meir, Judah the Prince, et al.).

[100]
“The limitation of the prophetic
period contains the claim of the Rabbis that in the present they alone, as the
bearers of oral tradition, have the right to formulate legal and philosophical
pronouncements. The claim of Sirach and all other post-prophetic literature is
thus invalidated….Traces of opposition to the sharp differentiation between
prophetic and post-prophetic writings even among the Rabbis are to be found as
late as the fourth century.”
TDNT
, 3.982.

[101]
See
ABD
, 1.843.

[102]
Dialogue with Trypho
, 71.

[103]
Dialogue with Trypho
,
120-121.

[104]
Eusebius’s
Church History
,
Book 4.26.12-14.

[105]
Some argue that Melito could not
have had contact with the synagogue because dialogue between Jews and Christians
had all but ceased due to tensions between the two groups. Antagonism indeed
existed, but dialogue did nevertheless continue; as we saw in St. Justin’s
Dialogue
with Trypho the Jew
written only a few years earlier. Moreover, Melito’s
inquiry would be for information, not debate and there is no reason to expect
the rabbis to be antagonistic. When the two prospects of either inquiring at
the synagogue in Sardis or making the arduous trek to Palestine to receive
essentially the same answer are considered, Melito certainly would have chosen
the former. If the Jews in Sardis were so antagonistic as to not answer
Melito’s inquiry, what hope would there be of an answer being secured among the
rabbis in Palestine? We do know that Jewish/Christian dialogues, as evidenced
in the writings of the early fathers, continued unabated throughout the first
several centuries of the Church. They were pointed, but they continued.

[106]
Some dispute whether “also Wisdom”
[Gk. e kai sophia] refers to the Book of Wisdom or an alternative title for the
Book of Proverbs. See Bruce, F. F.,
The Canon of Scripture
(InterVarsity
Press, 1988), 71.

[107]
Westcott,
Bible
,124; Gigot,
Introduction
,
49; Breen,
Introduction
, 356 et al.

[108]
Plea for Christians
, 9.

[109]
Is 44:6, 43:10-11 and 46:1
respectively. The
ANF
omits the reference to Baruch giving
instead,  “Isa. xli, 4; Ex. xx. 2,3 (as to sense)”
ANF
2.133 FN 3.

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