Wallace of the Secret Service (18 page)

‘All this was not done without opposition,’ he declared, ‘and at times we have been compelled to resort to severe measures to suppress obstruction and bitter antagonism. But those measures were only temporary, and were absolutely necessary to carry out the revolution despite the hindrance of our many enemies both within and without. Russia is the inveterate enemy of capitalistic industry and trade. It has been our object to fight for the victory of socialism in all lands. We have done our utmost to introduce the soviet control of manufacture and trade in other countries, but alas! The short-sighted people of those countries have failed to see what was for their great benefit, and allowed their governments to suppress such altruistic endeavours. My
colleagues and I have decided that the time has come to make a further and greater attempt.’

He then went on to speak of the losses sustained by Germany, Austria, and Turkey, and gradually worked up to the proposals which he had to submit to the delegates. Briefly they amounted to the seizure of the lands of which those nations had been deprived as a result of the Great War, with the assistance of the Russian army and with the aid of all the resources which Russia was able to throw into the scale. China would act as decoy by drawing the eyes of the world to the Far East by activities in Manchuria, round the settlement at Shanghai, and on the borders of Korea. Immediately Germany would seize Posen and the East Prussian territory that had gone to Poland; Austria would invade Czecho-Slovakia and Hungary, and Turkey seize Bulgaria and Roumania. At the same time Russia would aid her allies by throwing armies into Poland, Roumania and anywhere else where they were wanted. By the time France, Italy and England were ready to fight, there would be a German and Austrian army waiting for them, with a solid phalanx of Russians behind, spread from one end of Europe to the other and prepared to act at any point rendered necessary by attack. As both Germany and Austria would be on the defensive, and England, France, and Italy forced into the role of invaders, everything was in favour of the two former from the start. This is merely a brief outline of Lenin’s proposals. He went very deeply into the matter, displaying a knowledge of conditions and military exigencies that surprised Sir Leonard.

‘Such an action is not a matter of a few months,’ he concluded. ‘It may take a year, two years, before you are prepared, but when the time comes, the blow must be struck suddenly and
simultaneously. Your preparations must be absolutely secret, and the risk of detection nullified by leaving the bulk of munitions and instruments of war to be manufactured in this country. The endeavour is bound to end in success, after which further concessions will be arranged, such as the return of Alsace and Lorraine and her old colonies to Germany; the Trentino, Croatia and Bosnia to Austria; Greece and Albania to Turkey. China will be rewarded for her share by the granting of any demands within reason that she may make. It will be possible later on, no doubt, to win back Korea for her, but, in our opinion, it would be injudicious to antagonise Japan until the affair in the west is settled. I hope I have made the proposals of my government clear, gentlemen.’

Three of his colleagues followed, and spoke in the same strain; then commenced a general discussion. None of the foreign delegates had had any previous inkling of the scheme that was to be put before them, and thus were unprepared with any pronouncements inspired by their governments.

After the first surprise, however, they proceeded to examine the proposition, and Lenin and his confrères were subjected to a regular battery of questions and counter-questions, to all of which they replied easily and convincingly. As the discussion went on, it became evident to Sir Leonard that both Herr Paulus and the Turkish delegate were waxing very enthusiastic, but the Chinaman, although apparently inclined to favour the scheme, was more cautious.

‘I understand, of course,’ he observed once, ‘that your scheme involves my country only in a minor sense, and thus we cannot expect to obtain a reward on the same scale as those awaiting Germany, Austria, and Turkey. At the same time it must be
remembered that by keeping the eyes of the world on the Far East, and possibly occupying the anxious attentions of France, Italy, and Great Britain, we shall be doing a great deal to ensure the ultimate success of operations in the west.’

‘That is quite true,’ agreed Lenin.

‘It, therefore, occurs to me,’ went on the delegate, ‘that I should be able to take back to my government something more definite than the promise of a
possible
return of Korea to China at some future date.’

‘I have mentioned,’ Lenin reminded him, ‘that we shall be prepared to grant any demands within reason that China may make. Are you ready to put those demands before us now?’

The Chinaman shook his head.

‘I must have time to think,’ he said. ‘Will you give me until the discussion is informally resumed, as I presume it will be, after dinner?’

‘Most certainly,’ agreed Lenin, and the Chinaman gravely bowed his acknowledgments. The Russian dictator turned his eyes on Sir Leonard. ‘You, who represent the country which has most to gain, have said the least, Herr Kahn. Is there anything in our proposals to which you feel your government would not agree? You understand, of course, that we have only put the bare outline of the scheme before you. It will take many subsequent meetings to arrange all details, once the nations interested agree.’

‘Naturally,’ admitted Sir Leonard. ‘The whole matter is so vast, however, that it would be foolish to allow one’s enthusiasm to blind one to common-sense arguments against success.’

‘What are they?’ demanded Lenin with a frown.

‘Are they not obvious? Germany and Austria are on the verge
of bankruptcy; the terrible terms of the Treaty of Versailles have crippled the two countries almost beyond recovery, as far as their status as military powers is concerned. Again in a war of the type you have depicted which, from our point of view, will be defence against invasion, neither Germany nor Austria have the economic resources to hold out, even if they could do so in a military sense by equalling their enemies man for man and gun for gun.’

‘I have said,’ replied Lenin with the air of one humouring a child, ‘that it may take a year, or two years, perhaps even longer, to make your preparations.’

‘Quite so,’ agreed Sir Leonard, ‘but remember we shall be compelled somehow to circumvent the clauses in the Treaty of Versailles, which only permit us armies of a hundred thousand men each, and forbid compulsory military service. It is easy enough to defy those clauses, but not so easy to defy them without the world becoming aware of the fact.’

‘Herr Kahn has spoken with great wisdom there,’ rumbled the deep voice of Paulus. ‘How are we to raise great armies in such secrecy that no one learns what is being done?’

‘It is a matter which will require very careful consideration I admit,’ said Lenin. ‘But it can be done, and I presume, with such rich fruit awaiting the gathering, will be done. As for the rest economically and financially Russia will stand behind you. There can be no danger of lack of supplies, for both Germany and Austria will be stocked by my country. You run short of food, Russia will supply the deficiency; munitions are required, trains loaded to the brim will be rushed to you; reinforcements are necessary, army corps will speed rapidly to the scene. Is it not the opportunity for which you have been longing and praying since 1918, my friends?’

‘What does Russia get out of all this?’ asked Sir Leonard quietly.

Lenin smiled.

‘It is a question I expected,’ he confessed. ‘As far as possessions are concerned we regain Finland, Esthonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland; perhaps Georgia as well. For our help to your countries, we shall expect repayment naturally, and also that
you will adopt the soviet form of government.’

‘Ah!’ exclaimed Wallace. ‘That indeed will require much consideration.’

‘No; I think not,’ retorted Lenin. ‘The plums are too many and too great to throw aside through what would amount to sheer obstinacy.’ He rose. ‘That concludes the official conference, gentlemen. We shall discuss matters informally after dinner, if it is your desire.’

Sir Leonard returned to his hotel in a very thoughtful frame of mind. His mission had been a great success. He had found out why the secret meeting had been called. The thought of what it might have led to appalled him, and he made a mental note to reward his agent in Moscow, a man holding a clerical post under the government, who had sent through the news. He wished he could have returned immediately to London instead of waiting until the following day, but such a move would have brought suspicion on him, and very little gained by it. He felt, however, that the sooner he was out of Russia the better, now that he had learnt what he had gone there for.

The same eleven people, who had attended the conference, were present at the dinner, which was not marked by any particular jollity. There was an air of suppressed excitement in the demeanour of most of the guests, though the phlegmatic Chinaman and Sir Leonard Wallace were notable exceptions.
Lenin was at times exuberant; at times thoughtful but, on the whole, he played the part of host to perfection. Nothing was said anent the proceedings of the afternoon owing to the presence of the waiters, but it was generally understood that the discussion would be continued informally later in the drawing room.

The meal was drawing to an end, when a waiter approached Sir Leonard, and informed him that his secretary desired to speak to him.

‘Where is he?’ asked the pseudo-Austrian.

‘Outside in the lobby, comrade,’ was the reply.

Making his excuses, Wallace left the room, and found Shannon impatiently awaiting him. The latter’s face looked white and strained. Taking care that there was no one within hearing, Sir Leonard sharply asked why he had come.

‘A code wire has just arrived from Beust, sir,’ whispered Shannon. ‘Kahn’s secretary has escaped!’

‘What?’ It was only a mutter, but it was full of intense feeling.

‘We’ll have to get away at once, sir. There’s almost sure to be a message through to Lenin very soon. Of course the secretary fellow won’t know that his master has been impersonated.’

‘In any case he’s bound to wire and explain the reason for Kahn’s non-arrival. You’re right, Shannon, we must lose no time. Dash it! I wonder how it happened.’

‘Cousins is waiting below with a few things in your attaché case, our coats, and two rugs, sir,’ Shannon informed him. ‘We shall have to leave the rest of the luggage I’m afraid.’

Sir Leonard nodded.

‘Wait here,’ he ordered. ‘I’ll be back in a minute.’

He re-entered the dining room almost jauntily, as though he
had not a care in the world, Smilingly he approached Lenin, who looked up at him curiously.

‘I’m afraid I must claim your indulgence,’ he said. ‘My government are anxious, and I must return to my hotel and write a telegraphic despatch.’

‘Why not do it here?’ asked Lenin.

‘It must be in code, you understand, and—’ he shrugged his shoulders.

Lenin nodded.

‘You will return when you have sent the wire?’ he stated rather than asked.

‘Certainly,’ returned Wallace.

‘I wonder if that telegram will be favourable to Russia?’ murmured Lenin slyly.

Sir Leonard smiled.

‘Among other things,’ he declared, ‘it will state that I am returning with excellent news.’

Lenin returned the smile.

‘Hurry back, Herr Kahn,’ he urged; ‘our party will be very incomplete without you.’

Wallace was turning away when a secretary hurriedly entered the room, and went up to Lenin, to whom he handed an opened telegram. Fearing that it might refer to him, Sir Leonard hastened his steps, had reached the door, and was about to pass out, when there was a shout behind him.

‘Stop that man!’ bellowed Lenin.

It would have been useless to have endeavoured to continue his progress in the face of such an order. Turning and regarding the Soviet leader coolly:

‘Were you referring to me?’ asked Sir Leonard.

Lenin had risen to his feet, and stood glowering at him. The guests were regarding the Russian with a mixture of surprise and curiosity.

‘What is the meaning of this?’ he demanded, waving the telegram in the air.

‘How can I tell you when I have not read it?’ asked Wallace.

Lenin turned to the others.

‘Listen, comrades,’ he said in quieter but still menacing tones. ‘That man is an impostor!’ His announcement caused a sensation, and all, except the Chinaman, were immediately on their feet, subjecting Sir Leonard to a battery of hostile glances. ‘I have a telegram here from the Austrian Government which states that Herr Kahn was kidnapped on his way to Moscow, and warning me to beware, as they suspect an attempt at impersonation.’

This was worse than Wallace had anticipated. He began to feel that the chances of escape were not worth considering. But he resolved to play his part to the end. A frown of anger wrinkled his brow, and he walked firmly back to the table.

‘What nonsense are you talking?’ he demanded. ‘Show me that telegram!’

Lenin eyed him with cold fury.

‘Who are you?’ he snapped.

‘You know very well who I am,’ retorted Sir Leonard. ‘Is this a plot? Will you presently be accusing Herr Paulus, Mr Feng Ho, and Karim Pasha of being impostors?’

His coolness, and the manner in which he was apparently turning the tables on Lenin, impressed the foreign delegates. One by one they turned and looked at the Russian, as though awaiting his answer. It came with the sudden fury of a volcanic eruption.

‘You think to defy me?’ he roared. ‘You stand there expecting to continue the deception in the face of this message from Vienna? Do you think we, my comrades and I are likely to disbelieve our own eyes, and declare the words here to be a myth, or do you think we are fools enough to allow you to persuade us that the telegram is a practical joke? It definitely states that Herr Kahn was kidnapped between Brunn and Prerau, with his secretary, and locked up in a deserted farmhouse. But the secretary escaped. I suppose you are a Czecho-Slovakian spy. Well, you shall very quickly learn what the Russian Soviet Government does with spies.’ He swung round to the man who had brought the telegram to him. ‘Call a file of soldiers, comrade,’ he ordered. ‘Then see that the companions of this man are apprehended and brought here. We shall conclude our dinner party with a little entertainment.’