1 Torquatus figures prominently in Book VII of Livy’s History of Rome. The story was as well known as legends of Washington used to be in America; cf. Sallust, The Conspiracy of Catiline , 52. William Smith, in The Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1870), gives the full account, with citations in ancient authors (1162–63).
2 The story, possibly merely legendary, is found in Livy, History of Rome, 2.4–5.
4 Cornelia was the most learned woman of her day, and arguably the noblest matron Rome ever produced; see Plutarch, Lives (“Tiberius Gracchus,” “Gaius Gracchus”). For the story of Cloelia, see Livy, History of Rome, 2.13.
12 The complete story is laid out in Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities (1870), 737. It was perhaps Rome’s most beloved heroic legend; see Cicero, On Duties 3.99–115.
15 The decline in the Spartan population was dramatic and well-noted by many ancient writers. Cicero gives a most politically incorrect reason for it: “Spartan girls care more for wrestling, bathing in the River Eurotas, the sun, dust, and martial exercise than they do for the barbarous bearing of offspring” ( Tusculan Disputations, 2.36).
Chapter Three
Israel: How God Changed the World
1 The following is a summary of the Babylonian epic, Enuma Elish .
4 The institution of the Eleusinian mysteries is recounted in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. They lasted for almost two millennia, until Emperor Theodosius shut down their sanctuaries in 392.
5 The initiation rites of the Dionysian cult are nicely preserved in the frescoes of the so-called Villa of the Mysteries, in Pompeii. The induction of the protagonist into the mysteries of Isis and Osiris is the climax of Apuleius’ comic novel, The Golden Ass.
6 Thammuz was the Phoenician Adonis, whose death the goddess of love mourned (cf. Ezek. 8:14). His female devotees in Syria would celebrate his feast days by repairing to the temple of the Astarte (Venus) at Gebal, for orgies.
7 In love with a married woman, that is; see Horace, Satires 1.2; Cato hated the whorehouses (Livy, History of Rome 34.4), but Lucretius would use the advice to help a young man guard against love ( On the Nature of Things, 4.1062). Cicero defends the civic usefulness of whorehouses ( Pro Coelio, 20).
8 Cicero was so distraught, he left his wife behind and retreated to his villa in Astura, south of Rome, where he wrote a book called the Consolatio, most of which is now lost.
Chapter Four
The Early Church: Charity and Tolerance Are Born
1 From The Greek Anthology , ed. Peter Jay (Hammondsworth: Penguin, 1981).
2 Catullus 63 is the most famous poetic treatment of the Great Mother cult; Attis, the speaker, castrates himself in a frenzy of devotion. Catullus’ concluding prayer is rich: he begs Cybele to drive other men into madness. See also Lucretius, On the Nature of Things, 2.599–643; Ovid, Fasti, 4.183.
3 Athenagoras defends Christians against the common charge, in his Embassy for the Christians, 31–36, addressed to Marcus Aurelius in 177.
4 See his discussion of that letter in Selected Letters of Pliny the Younger (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1937).
6 See Justin Martyr, First Apology, 15–17, 27, 29, 67; Second Apology, 2.
7 See Julian’s letter to Arsacius, ca. 360 AD; in Edward J. Chinnock, A Few Notes on Julian and a Translation of His Public Letters (London: David Nutt, 1901) 75–78.
9 That is one of the brilliant insights of Etienne Gilson; see, for instance, his work Christianity and Philosophy (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1939).
10 See Paulinus of Milan, ca. 412, The Life of Saint Ambrose, 24.
11 The delightful story of Daniel may be found in Three Byzantine Saints: Contemporary Biographies of St. Daniel the Stylite, St. Theodore of Sykeon and St. John the Almsgiver , trans. Elizabeth Dawes, and introductions and notes by Norman H. Baynes, (London: Blackwell Publishing, 1948).
12 Bede, 4.24. The translation of Caedmon’s hymn is mine.
13 Alcuin wrote that rhetorical question in a letter to Bishop Higbald of the monastery at Lindisfarne, in 797.
14 The Circumcellionists, and perhaps some of the more zealous Donatists, sought martyrdom. The Manichees preached the evil of the body. The Docetists believed that Jesus did not genuinely come in the flesh. Marcion in Ephesus taught that the God of the Old Testament was evil. The Arians believed that Jesus was the highest of all creatures, but still a creature. A quick introduction to such beliefs may be found in Chas S. Clifton, Encyclopedia of Heresies and Heretics (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC–CLIO, 1992).
15 See the final chapter of The Abolition of Man (New York: Macmillan, 1955).
16 So Bede recounts in his Ecclesiastical History of the English People, 2.1.
17 See the Koran, 5:64, and the discussion of Allah’s unfettered will, in Robert Spencer, The Politically Incorrect Guide™ to Islam (Washington, DC: Regnery, 2005).
Chapter Five
The High Middle Ages: The Bright Ages
1 The well-attested phenomenon is called the Medieval Climate Optimum. See, for example, “The Science Won’t Stay Settled!”, in World Concerns , 2.1 (June 9, 1998).
2 The poems may be found, in the original language, in Maxwell S. Luria and Richard L. Hoffman, Middle English Lyrics (New York: W. W. Norton, 1974). The translations are mine.
3 See, for instance, The Divine Names , 697b–700c.
4 The complete texts of Suger’s accounts On His Administration and On the Dedication of the Church of Saint-Denis may be found in Erwin Panofsky, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis and Its Treasures (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1946); see pp. 47–49 for the dedication upon the doors, in a slightly different translation.
5 See The Stones of Venice, 2.6, “The Nature of the Gothic” (1851).
6 See V. A. Kolve, The Play Called Corpus Christi (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press), 1966.
7 See “The Deliverance of Souls” in The Wakefield Mystery Plays, ed. Martial Rose (New York: W. W. Norton, 1961).
8 For example, Bernard Spivack, Shakespeare and the Allegory of Evil (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), traces the influence upon Shakespeare’s villains of the “Vice” figure in medieval drama.
9 From Saint Louis’ Advice to His Son , in Medieval Civilization , trans. and eds. Dana Munro and George Clarke Sellery (New York: The Century Company, 1910), paragraphs 18 and 21.
10 Actually, the witch trials begin in earnest only in the late 1400s. Dante expressed the most common attitude towards witches, at least among learned men of the high Middle Ages, that they were mainly bunko artists. He placed them in Hell among the fraudulent; see Inferno 20.
11 See for instance the phallic procession in Aristophanes, The Acharnians, 241ff.
12 See chapter 2, “The World Francis Found,” in Chesterton, Saint Francis of Assisi (New York: George H. Doran, 1924).
13 See Father Cuthbert, The Life of Saint Francis of Assisi (London: Longmans, Green, and Co.: 1927), 194–95; the story is told originally in The Little Flowers of Saint Francis, ch. 21 (see Francis of Assisi: The Prophet [New York: New City Press, 2001]).
14 See Villon’s “Ballade of the Ladies of Bygone Time,” in T he Testament, in Poems of Francois Villon , tr. Norman Cameron (London: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1951).
15 From Sermon 7 On the Song of Songs; see G. R. Evans, Bernard of Clairvaux: Selected Works (Mahwah, N. J.: Paulist Press, 1987).
16 From Frederick Goldin, Lyrics of the Troubadours and Trouveres (Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1983), 26–33.
17 See part 11 of Beroul, The Romance of Tristan, tr. Alan S. Fedrick (London: Penguin, 1970).
18 See Chretien, The Knight of the Cart, in Arthurian Romances (London: Penguin, 1991).
19 That is “Rule” 26 of the ironical De Amore of Andrew the Chaplain (Andreas Capellanus).
20 See The Twelve Patriarchs, in Richard of Saint Victor, ed. and trans. Grover Zinn (Mahwah, N. J.: Paulist Press, 1979).
21 That is the meaning of the title of Bonaventure’s greatest work, the Itinerarium Mentis in Deum.
22 See The Book of Secrets of Albertus Magnus, ed. Michael R. Best and Frank H. Brightman (London: Oxford University Press, 1974).
23 In Summa Theologica 1. q. 88, Thomas makes it quite clear that man cannot know immaterial things directly, but only by reasoning from those things he can sense, as from effect to cause.
24 On whether telling an untruth can be justified, see Summa Theologica 2.2 q. 110; on equity, see 2.2 q. 120.
28 See The Land of Cockaygne in Early Middle English Verse and Prose, 2nd ed., ed. J. A. W. Bennett and G. V. Smithers (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 136–44.