The Grand Alliance (76 page)

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1

Our Soviet Ally

Hitler’s Plan for the Invasion of Russia — Soviet
Demands on Britain — “Second Front Now” —

Russian Ignorance of Amphibious War — I
Address Stalin — A Military Mission Goes to
Moscow — Naval Contacts — A War Alliance
Proposed — Stalin Presses for the Second Front

— Our Reasoned Reply — Our Efforts to Supply
the Russian Army — Ten Thousand Tons of
Rubber — Fruitless Attempts to Establish Friendly
Relations with Stalin — The German Attack
Develops — Russia’s Attitude to Poland
—
Our
View — Russia a Burden upon Us at First.

H
ITLER’S INVASION OF RUSSIA altered the values and relationships of the war. The Soviet prejudices had blinded them to many of the steps which comprehension and prudence would have dictated for their own safety. On the other hand, by indifference to the fate of others they had gained time, and when their hour of trial struck on June 22, 1941, they were far stronger than Hitler imagined. Perhaps not only he but his generals had been misled by their poor performance against the Finns. Nevertheless, it was the Russians who were taken by surprise, and tremendous initial disasters fell upon them. It will not be possible in this account to do more than place before the reader the salient features of the new colossal struggle of armies and populations which now began.

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The German line of battle was drawn up along the whole frontier from the Baltic to the Black Sea. The Northern Army Group, under von Leeb, with twenty-nine divisions, including three armoured and three motorised, was to advance from East Prussia upon Leningrad. The Central Army Group, under von Bock, consisting of fifty divisions, including nine armoured and six motorised, was to move from Northern Poland on Smolensk. The Southern Army Group of von Rundstedt, with forty-one divisions, including five armoured and three motorised, was to drive from Southern Poland to the lower Dnieper. A further twenty-six divisions were held, or would shortly be available, as the General Reserve. Over twenty-seven hundred aircraft supported the attack. In the North twelve Finnish divisions were to advance on Leningrad to support the main attack.

In the South eleven divisions of the Rumanian Army were to stand on the defensive along the river Pruth, and six to join in the advance of Army Group South. In all one hundred and sixty-four divisions rolled eastward.

The invaders, according to the best accounts available, were confronted by a hundred and nineteen Russian divisions and at least five thousand aircraft. Sixty-seven more divisions were available in Finland, the Caucasus, and in Central Russia. Although nearly equal in numbers to the German armies, the Russians were at once swept back by deep-plunging armoured thrusts, and their air force suffered severe losses. Other countries had been surprised and overrun. Only vast Russia had the supreme advantage of depth; and this was once again to prove her salvation. In the first month the Germans bit and tore their way three hundred miles into Russia. Smolensk was taken after stern fighting in which the Russians had counterattacked heavily.

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But Leningrad was not attained, and Kiev was still in Russian hands.

Up to the moment when the Soviet Government was set upon by Hitler they seemed to care for no one but themselves. Afterwards this mood naturally became more marked. Hitherto they had watched with stony composure the destruction of the front in France in 1940, and our vain efforts in 1941 to create a front in the Balkans. They had given important economic aid to Nazi Germany and had helped them in more minor ways. Now, having been deceived and taken by surprise, they were themselves under the flaming German sword. Their first impulse and lasting policy was to demand all possible succour from Great Britain and her Empire, the possible partition of which between Stalin and Hitler had for the last eight months beguiled Soviet minds from the progress of German concentration in the East. They did not hesitate to appeal in urgent and strident terms to harassed and struggling Britain to send them the munitions of which her armies were so short. They urged the United States to divert to them the largest quantities of the supplies on which we were counting, and above all, even in the summer of 1941 they clamoured for British landings in Europe, regardless of risk and cost, to establish a second front. The British Communists, who had hitherto done their worst, which was not much, in our factories, and had denounced “the capitalist and imperialist war,” turned about again overnight and began to scrawl the slogan, “Second Front Now,” upon the walls and hoardings.

We did not allow these somewhat sorry and ignominious facts to disturb our thought, and fixed our gaze upon the

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heroic sacrifices of the Russian people under the calamities which their Government had brought upon them, and their passionate defence of their native soil. This, while the struggle lasted, made amends for all.

The Russians never understood in the smallest degree the nature of the amphibious operation necessary to disembark and maintain a great army upon a well-defended hostile coast. Even the Americans were at this time largely unaware of the difficulties. Not only sea but air superiority at the invasion point was indispensable. Moreover, there was a third vital factor. A vast armada of specially constructed landing-craft, above all tank landing-craft in numerous varieties, was the foundation of any successful heavily opposed landing. For the creation of this armada, as has been and will be seen, I had long done my best. It could not be ready even on a minor scale before the summer of 1943, and its power, as is now widely recognised, could not be developed on a sufficient scale till 1944. At the period we have now reached, in the autumn of 1941, we had no mastery of the enemy air over Europe, except in the Pas de Calais, where the strongest German fortifications existed.

The landing-craft were only a-building. We had not even got an army in Britain as large, as well trained, as well equipped, as the one we should have to meet on French soil. Yet Niagaras of folly and misstatement still pour out on this question of the Second Front. There was certainly no hope of convincing the Soviet Government at this or any other time. Stalin even suggested to me on one occasion later on that if the British were afraid he would be willing to send round three or four Russian army corps to do the job.

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It was not in my power, through lack of shipping and other physical facts, to take him at his word.

There was no response from the Soviet Government to my broadcast to Russia and the world on the day of the German attack, except that parts of it were printed in
Pravda
and other Russian Government organs, and that we were asked to receive a Russian Military Mission. The silence on the top level was oppressive, and I thought it my duty to break the ice. I quite understood that they might feel shy, considering all that had passed since the outbreak of the war between the Soviets and the Western Allies, and remembering what had happened twenty years before between me and the Bolshevik Revolutionary Government.

I therefore addressed myself to Stalin and expressed our intention to bring all aid in our power to the Russian people.

Prime

Minister

to

7 July 41

Monsieur Stalin

We are all very glad here that the Russian armies
are making such strong and spirited resistance to the
utterly unprovoked and merciless invasion of the Nazis.

There is general admiration of the bravery and tenacity
of the soldiers and people. We shall do everything to
help you that time, geography, and our growing resources allow. The longer the war lasts, the more help
we can give. We are making very heavy attacks both by
day and night with our air force upon all German-occupied territory and all Germany within our reach.

About four hundred daylight sorties were made overseas yesterday. On Saturday night over two hundred
heavy bombers attacked German towns, some carrying
three tons apiece, and last night nearly two hundred
and fifty heavy bombers were operating. This will go on.

Thus we hope to force Hitler to bring back some of his
air power to the West and gradually take some of the
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strain off you. Besides this the Admiralty have at my
desire prepared a serious operation to come off in the
near future in the Arctic, after which I hope contact will
be established between the British and Russian Navies.

Meanwhile by sweeps along the Norwegian coast we
have intercepted various supply ships which were
moving north against you.

We welcome arrival of Russian Military Mission in
order to concert future plans.

We have only got to go on fighting to beat the life
out of these villains.

The first step was clearly to make such contact as was permitted by the Soviet authorities with the Russian Military Command. Accordingly, after obtaining the necessary consent from our new allies, a powerful Military Mission was at once dispatched to Moscow. It was also urgent to create relations between the two navies. On July 10 I sent the following minute to the Admiralty:
Prime

Minister

to

10 July 41

First Lord and First

Sea Lord

It seems absolutely necessary to send a small mixed
squadron of British ships to the Arctic to form contact
and operate with the Russian naval forces. This should
be done in advance of the particular operation we have
in hand. The effect upon the Russian Navy and upon
the general resistance of the Russian Army of the
arrival of what would be called a British fleet in the
Arctic might be of enormous value and spare a lot of
English blood.

The advantage we should reap if the Russians could
keep the field and go on with the war, at any rate until
the winter closes in, is measureless. A premature
peace by Russia would be a terrible disappointment to
great masses of people in our country. As long as they
go on it does not matter so much where the front lies.

These people have shown themselves worth backing,
and we must make sacrifices and take risks, even at