The Falstaff Enigma (38 page)

"You're invading West Europe?"

"Yes," replied the major, not bothering to translate the question to his commander.

David felt sweat bead on his forehead. "When?"

This time the major asked his superior what to reply. He was given quick instructions. "The campaign starts Tuesday morning." The major began speaking to Timolenko again. He was complaining about revealing so much to the American. The marshal was not bothered. Where could this man go? He could not get out of the underground command center. Then Timolenko fired off a series of questions.

"The marshal asks
what you think."

"What if this war goes nuclear?"
was the instant reply.

"It won't. Neither side can afford it. But what about the plan itself? What do you think?
The marshal desires your professional opinion."

"What can I tell you? It is the obvious plan if you assume that this stays conventional. This is scenario A in U
.S. war planning."

The major relayed the information. "How difficult a time do you think Soviet forces will have?"

"If it stays conventional then you will own all of mainland Europe by the first snowfall."

Timolenko listened to the translation and laughed. He picked up the sheet and threw it back over the map. He spoke to the major.

"He says your assessment is good because it is realistic."

"What about the coup?" David
asked. "Was that all a ruse to keep me uninformed?"

“No
, comrade Berkshire. The coup is step one. It comes Monday when the Politburo convenes in the Kremlin. No one will survive that meeting. No one.”

"Now you have heard it all, Marshal Khuzhotzov," said Premier Andropov, his voice hoarse from a day full of tension. "The coup is definite, but the question is: Are we also facing an invasion of Europe?"

The commander of the Moscow Military District was short and overweight like Borskov. The two men instantly liked each other, sharing the embarrassment of their
common traits. But Khuzhotzov was much the senior of Borskov. He had just celebrated his seventy-first birthday the week before and now he doubted if he would live to see his next. "Please forgive me, comrade general secretary. I have had all the pieces in front of me but I have been too blind to see the obvious. From what I have just heard there is no question that war is imminent. Taking armored units out of mothballs is the proof positive. I think that there are already enough troops ready for this campaign to be launched at any time."

"Do you think Marshal Gol
anov is involved in this?" Andropov asked.

"Only unwittingly. He would kill Timolenko if he had the chance. There is no chance that they would work together."
Khuzhotzov coughed and reached into his trouser pocket for a throat lozenge.

"How will Timolenko gain control of Soviet Forces in Germany?" This time the question came from the KGB colonel.

"He will kill Golanov and just assume his position. Once we are in a war, the officers will rally around Timolenko."

"But he must have someone preparing Soviet Forces in Germany now," Borskov
continued, "someone who might be rewarded with Golanov's command."

"Let's see," replied the marshal, his mind running over the list of candidates. "I know whom I would want  to lead the main thrust of attack: General Gleb Ilyan. He is the best tank commander in the Soviet
Army. He is also a hardliner and friendly with Timolenko. He is very popular and might have little trouble galvanizing support if Golanov is removed."

Andropov turned to the
KGB colonel. "Can we arrest him?"

Khuzhotzov answere
d before Borskov could respond. "We won't be able to come close if he is involved. He has an entire Army group to defend him. The only hope within the next few days is to get him in the air and shoot him down. The Americans killed Admiral Yamamoto that way during the Great Patriotic War.”

"I agree," broke in Borskov. "Arrest is not feasible but an ambush is. We may be able to cut off the head of this treachery by killing Ilyan and Timolenko alone."

"I fear that we are going to find out if you are right or wrong very soon," Premier Andropov said. His eyes came to rest on a briefcase in the corner of the room. A young Army officer who was hand-picked by Andropov sat next to it, a three foot long chain led from the briefcase to the officer’s left wrist. It held the codes necessary to launch Russia's nuclear arsenal.

It had been very difficult for Colonel Borskov to convince the
general secretary to allow Robert Austin to sit in on the meeting. Premier Andropov's initial reaction was obvious: an American could not possibly be present for a meeting that might decide the fate of the Soviet Union. But the KGB colonel persevered. He reminded his leader of just how much Austin had risked for the Soviet Union and, more to the point, how often the American's analytical skills had proven invaluable. The fact was that Robert Austin had become a trusted advisor and his talents were needed now more than ever. Andropov relented, but only on the conditions that Austin's true identity remain known only to the three men and that Austin leave the room during any sensitive discussion.

Borskov stepped out of the Premier's underground office and motioned for Austin to enter. The analyst stood up and straightened his tie without the aid of a mirror, then walked the few steps necessary to enter the leader's office. He was immediately impressed by the quality of the furnishings. An oak bookcase covered the wall behind Andropov's oak desk, the two grains
matching perfectly. A brass lamp stood on one side of the desk, effortlessly rising to the height of a man. On the other side of the room a large aquarium was built into the wall, exotic fish occupying the landscaped waters. Brass-coated track lights illuminated the tank. Austin stopped about a stride's length from the front of the desk, unsure of what to do next.

Andropov was used to calming those being introduced to him for the first time. On this occasion, however, he was not sure he wanted this man to be at ease. He stood up and offered his hand to Austin. "I'm told your name is Robert Austin."

"Yes, Mr. Andropov," replied the analyst as he shook the man's hand.

"What made you come to my country to help us?" Andropov's question was blunt.

Austin reacted calmly, as if he had expected the query. "I wish I could say that it was because I am brave and courageous, but the reality is that I was forced into this situation unknowingly by your mole, Thomas Berkshire."

A smile appeared on Andropov's face, despite his efforts to suppress it. He rarely encountered this type of honesty. "And what shall I call you during the meeting?" Andropov
asked in a noticeably relaxed tone.

"I am Major Andrei Glinka. Pardon my question, but what shall I call you?"

Andropov laughed. "Oh, you Americans! We could use more of you around here," he replied as he circled around his desk and began walking out of the office. "Call me comrade general secretary."

The three men walked down a corridor and entered a medium sized meeting room. The occupants all rose as the Soviet
premier walked through the door. Andropov's strides were short, his fatigue obvious to all present. He sat down at one end of the room's large oval table. Colonel Borskov and Robert Austin sat down in two chairs placed against the wall. The analyst looked around the room, concentrating on the eyes of each of the twenty-two military men present. The room was divided, with half of the occupants looking at Andropov and the other half unable to look the premier in the eye. What disturbed Austin most was that the eyes that were on Andropov held only pity. The analyst thought about the task of foiling an organized rebellion. For the first time he questioned their chances for success.

"Comrade
general secretary," Marshal Khuzhotzov said as he stood, his wide, compact body effortlessly forcing his chair to slide back and out of the way. "If you will excuse me, I would like to start this meeting by stating that I will gladly give my life to defend you and the constitution of the Soviet Union. You have not only my loyal devotion but also that of the forces under my command."

Not to be outdone, Marshal Sukoronov, commander of the Soviet Air Force and the National Air Defense Forces, stood. He was another old-time general, having held his current position for over a decade. He was also a member of the Politburo and a wily politician, having already survived four Soviet leaders over the course of his career. "The
marshal speaks for all of us, comrade Andropov. You can count on the Air Force." He looked around the room. "We will crush these bastards." His gaze came to rest on Marshal Golanov, Commander-in-Chief of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany.

Golanov had flown in from East Germany, his long transit delaying the start of this Friday meeting for four hours. He was very calm and rational and disdained the theatrics of his fellow officers. He remained seated. "Officers and comrades,
” Golanov said, “you all know that I will uphold our constitution. The general secretary knows that he can depend on me, but I am fearful that many of my generals have misplaced loyalties. However, we have taken away their greatest element – surprise. I am confident that they can be stopped provided that our support for the general secretary is unyielding."

"Thank you, Marshal Golanov," replied Andropov, with far more animation than he had shown while entering the room. He summoned all his strength in preparing to speak, at the same time fighting off the fatigue that coursed through his muscles. His eyes were bloodshot and sacks of flesh sagged deeply underneath. "I am not sure if all of you fully appreciate what we are facing today. Apparently a segment of the
Army – and we do not know exactly how big ..." Andropov paused, unable to remember the sentence he had formulated just a moment earlier.

The
premier looked over at Robert Austin. "Comrade Glinka, have the guards bring in tea and coffee." He looked back across the conference table, not waiting for any type of acknowledgment. The analyst quickly walked over to the door, stepped out and relayed the Soviet leader's request. Austin was not sure whether Andropov wanted him out of the room, so he decided to wait outside until the refreshments were delivered.

The
general secretary had turned to Austin only because he was the lowest ranking person in the room. He recalled the outline of his talk. "An unknown segment of the Army is apparently planning to take over the government. The leader of this coup attempt is Marshal Timolenko." This information was news to most of the men in the room and several shook their heads in response, seeming to say that they should have been able to guess. "They could act at any time, but we don't know when or how. The original date for the coup had been the fourth of July. But thanks to the efforts of comrade Colonel Borskov," the Premier said as he looked at the KGB officer, "we discovered these plans. Unfortunately, we are certain that Marshal Timolenko has also discovered that we know his plans and that is why a coup attempt may be made at any moment."

"How long has it been since Timolenko found out that we know about this?" Marshal Golanov
asked.

The
premier looked at Borskov. The colonel stood before answering. "The marshal found out this past Tuesday when one of his men witnessed the arrest of another of his men."

"If they haven't acted so far, then I say the immediate threat has passed," Golanov
replied. "They wouldn't wait this long."

"There is ...”

"Excuse me, comrade colonel," broke in Andropov, indicating that he would reply to the marshal's statement. "We face an even greater problem, comrades. What I am about to tell you I originally found difficult to believe myself. Our evidence is circumstantial, but overwhelming." Andropov took a deep breath, allowing the tension to build. "We are certain that Marshal Timolenko is planning to invade West Europe following the coup."

The reactions were divided into two camps. The colonels and lower-ranking generals in the room, all administrators more than commanders, sat in silence as they looked at each other in disbelief. The high-ranking leaders all leaned back in their chairs as if the light of omniscience had suddenly burst into the room. They had all questioned the activities of the past few months, but the queries had been silent, each man fearing the political consequences of asking the wr
ong people the wrong questions.

Marshal Sukoronov recovered first, winning the honor of asking the next question. "I must admit that my staff had been wondering about the amount of ordnance we were asked to prepare for the July maneuvers. But I am still curious to know what evidence supports this conclusion."

General Secretary Andropov explained all the facts that led to their interpretation of future events. Marshal Khuzhotzov and Colonel Borskov interceded when necessary to supply supporting facts and comments. It took the trio only a short time to convince everyone present that their interpretation was the correct one. As Austin re-entered the room with a tray full of coffee and tea, the discussion switched to which officers were likely to back Timolenko and to how catastrophe could be averted.

A half
hour after the DIA analyst had re-entered the conference room, Marshal Khuzhotzov interjected himself into a heated discussion between two major generals who were also Communist party ideologists. "Getting back to the question of General Gleb Ilyan, you then agree, comrade marshal, that he must be involved in this conspiracy." The statement was directed to Marshal Golanov.

The marshal nodded. "There can be no question of his involvement."

"We must kill him and Marshal Timolenko," replied Khuzhotzov, his finger stabbing repeatedly at imaginary targets in the air.

"Crude, but to the point," said Marshal Sukoronov, his voice assuming a scolding tone. Khuzhotzov leaned back in his chair and did not reply. He respected the Air Force commander. Sukoronov combined his years of experience with a powerful intellect. He was a man who thought carefully before he spoke and usually said something valuable. "It seems obvious that, even with the ample talents of Colonel Borskov and the KGB, we will not be able to arrest these men. Unfortunately, it is equally obvious that with thousands of loyal troops as guards, we will not easily have them assassinated, especially given the fact that we have at most a day or two to act.

"However, I can think of one way to get them which shows promise. All military aircraft must file flight plans before each sortie. These plans are forwarded to Moscow and then disseminated to all Air Defense Forces. It may be possible to shoot down one or both of these men in the air. In fact, the Americans used a long-distance aerial ambush to kill Admiral Yamamoto during the Great Patriotic War." In his chair, Marshal Khuzhotzov smiled as Sukoronov used the same example he had used earlier with the general secretary.

"That is a good idea, marshal, but what if neither man travels by air?" Golanov
asked. "And even if one of them does, how would we know that a particular flight has Ilyan or Timolenko on it?”