The battle for Spain: the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 (88 page)

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Irredentas. Las presas politicas y sus hijos en las cárceles de Franco
, Madrid, 2002

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Historia intelectual del siglo XX
, Barcelona, 2002

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We Cannot Escape History
, New York, 1943

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English Captain
, London, 1939

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Málaga en llamas
, Madrid, 1998

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, Málaga, 2003

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, Barcelona, 1977

SOURCES

NOTES

INTRODUCTION

1 ‘Estamos perdidos. Cuando Marx puede más que las hormonas, no hay nada que hacer.’ (Julián Marías,
Una vida presente Memorias I
, p. 188.) I am most grateful to Javier Marías for sending me his father’s memoirs.

CHAPTER 1
: Their Most Catholic Majesties

1 For this development in the Spanish army, see Julio Busquets,
El Militar de Carrera en España
, Barcelona, 1971, pp. 56–61.

2 78.7 per cent of all properties in Galicia were less than ten hectares. At the other end of the scale, the large landholdings of Andalucia (more than 100 hectares) occupied 52.4 per cent of the land. See Edward Malefakis,
Reforma agraria y revolución campesina en la España del siglo XX
, Barcelona, 1971.

3 These statistics are taken from Albert Carreras y Xavier Tafunell;
Historia económica de la España contemporánea
, Barcelona, 2004; Manuel Tuñónde Lara (ed.)
Historia de España
, vol. viii.,
Revolución burguesa oligarquía y constitucionalismo (1843–1923)
, Barcelona, 1983; Jordi Palafox,
Atraso económico y democracia. La Segunda República y la economía española, 1892–1936
, Barcelona, 1991; and Merce` Vilanova and Xavier Moreno,
Atlas de la evolución del analfabetismo en Españade 1887 a 1981
, Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia, Madrid, 1992.

4 See Carreras and Tafunell,
Historia económica de la España contemporánea
, pp. 201–4. Banks took such an active role in the financing of industrial companies that in 1921, the seven largest banks in Spain controlled half the capital of all Spanish limited companies.

5 Company profits reached four billion pesetas. A large part of this, converted into gold, sat in the reserves of the Banco de España. See Francisco Comín,
Historia de la hacienda pública, Il (España 1808–1995)
, Barcelona, 1996, pp. 81 and 133.

CHAPTER 2
: Royal Exit

1 Following an armed clash, the conservative government of Antonio Maura decided to send reservists to Morocco. In Barcelona, this produced spontaneous protests and a general strike lasted from 26 July to 1 August 1909, during which barricades were erected and 42 convents and churches were damaged or destroyed. See Joan Connelly Ullman,
La Semana Trágica
, Barcelona, 1972.

2 José Luis García Delgado and Santos Juliá (eds),
La España del siglo XX
, Madrid, 2003, pp. 309–11.

3 Javier Tusell (ed),
Historia de España. 2. La Edad Contemporánea
, Madrid, 1998, pp. 252–3.

4 Figure for 1915, Julio Busquets,
El militar de carrera en España
, Barcelona, 1967, p. 37.

5 Santos Julíá (ed.),
La España del siglo XX
, Madrid, 2003, p. 18.

6 This company which supplied electricity to Barcelona and the trams was in fact called the Barcelona Traction Light & Power company, but was known by its original name of la Cañadiense.

7 Between 1921 and 1923 some 152 people were killed in Barcelona. In 1923 the labour lawyer Francesc Layret and the anarcho-syndicalist Salvador Seguí were assassinated, and also the Archbishop of Saragossa, Cardinal Soldevilla.

8 Juan Díaz del Moral,
Historia de las agitaciones campesinas andaluzas
, Madrid, 1973, pp. 265 ff.

9 Between 1917 and 1923 there were 23 major government crises and 30 lesser interruptions.

10 Using the Patronato del Circuito Nacional de Firmes Especiales, the dictatorship improved 2,500 kilometres of highway. For the hydroelectric projects, it set up the Confederaciónes Sindicales Hidrográficas del Ebro, Duero, Segura, Guadalquivir and Eastern Pyrenees, although only that of the Ebro went ahead under the supervision of the engineer Manuel Lorenzo Pardo, and the direction of the minister concerned, the Count de Guadalhorce. See Jose´ Luis García Delgado and Santos Juliá (eds),
La España del siglo XX
, pp. 319ff.

11 The exact results are not certain. See M. Martínez Cuadrado in
Elecciónes y partidos politicos en España, 1808–1931
, Madrid, 1969, vol. 2, pp. 1,000–1. In Madrid the republicans received three times more votes than the monarchists and four times more in Barcelona.

12 ‘Una fiesta popular que tomó el aire de una revolución’, Santos Juliá (ed.),
LaEspaña del siglo XX
, Madrid, 2003, p. 15.

13 ‘Mucho, antes de su caída, la Monarquíasehabía evaporado en la conciencia de los españoles’, Miguel Maura,
Así cayó Alfonso XIII
, Barcelona, 1966, p. 329.

CHAPTER 3
: The Second Republic

1 The provisional government consisted of: Niceto Alcalá Zamora (DLR), president; Miguel Maura (DLR), minister of the interior; Alejandro Lerroux (PRR), minister of state; Diego Martínez Barrio (PRR), minister of communications; Manuel Azaña (AR), minister of war; Santiago Casares Quiroga (FRG), minister of marine; Lluís Nicolau d’Olwer (PCR), minister for economic affairs; álvaro de Albornoz (PRRS), minister of development; Marcelino Domingo (PRRS), minister of education; Fernando de los Ríos (PSOE), minister of justice; Indalecio Prieto (PSOE), minister of finance; Francisco Largo Caballero (PSOE), minister of labour and social security.

2 Exports fell by nearly half between 1930 and 1933, and industrial production declined by 17 per cent (Carreras and Tafunell,
Historia económica de la España contemporánea
, pp. 251–2.

3 For example in Italy, Portugal, Austria, Hungary, Yugoslavia and soon in Germany.

4 Between 1 April and 30 June 1931, 13 per cent of the total deposits in banks were transferred. The peseta fell 20 per cent in value.

5 Prieto introduced a tax on share dealings, investigated the flight of capital and arranged the import of cheaper oil from the Soviet Union instead of from US oil companies (Gabriel Jackson,
La República española y la guerra civil
, Barcelona, 1976, p. 54).

6 Those who took advantage of the ‘Azaña law’ included 84 generals and 8,738 officers. The plan was for the new army to consist of 7,600 officers and 105,000 men in the Peninsula and 1,700 officers and 42,000 men in North Africa(Michael Alpert,
La reforma militar de Azaña, 1931–1933
, Madrid, 1982).

7 The men of this 30,000-strong force, commanded by army officers, were never posted to their home province. Forbidden to mix with the local population, they were regarded as an occupying force of outsiders, which protected only the interests of the landowners and the clergy.

8 The Church had declared property to the value of 244 million pesetas, but its real wealth was in fact much greater. It possessed a well-organized structure of cultural institutions, media outlets, charities, societies and educational centres. It controlled primary education, part of secondary education and higher education through technical schools and universities. Between 1909 and 1931 under the monarchy, the Church had built 11,128 primary schools. The Republic in its first year built 9,600 (Jackson,
La República española
…, p. 74).

9 See Miguel Maura,
Así cayó Alfonso XIII
, pp. 293ff.

10 The Socialists obtained 117 seats; the Radicals, 94; the Radical-Socialists, 58; Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, 26; ORGA, 21. In all, the left and centre-left occupied 400 of the 470 seats in the Cortes (Nigel Townson,
The Crisis of Democracy in Spain
, Brighton, 2000, p. 57).

11 The Company of Jesus in Spain was finally dissolved on 24 January 1932. It had some 2,500 members in the country and considerable wealth in property and shares. Only its lawyers, of whom the Catholic politician Gil Robles was one, knew the exact size of its portfolio (Jackson,
La República española
…, pp. 71–2).

12 On 3 June 1931, Pope Pius XI published his encyclical
Dilectissima nobis
, which compared the situation in Spain with the persecution the Church had suffered in Mexico and the Soviet Union (Callahan,
La Iglesia católica en España
, p. 239).

13 See Pascual Carrión,
La reforma agraria de la Segunda República y la situación actual de la agricultura española
, Barcelona, 1973.

14 Manuel Azaña (AR), prime minister (president of the council of ministers) and minister of war; Jose ´ Giral (AR), minister of marine; Luis Zulueta (indep.), minister of state; Jaume Carner (AC), minister of finance; Santiago Casares Quiroga (ORGA), minister of interior; álvaro de Albornoz (PRRS), minister of justice; Marcelino Domingo (PRRS), agriculture, industry and commerce; Fernando de los Ríos (PSOE), education; Indalecio Prieto (PSOE), public works and Francisco Largo Caballero (PSOE), minister of labour.

15 In October 1931, the Alfonsine monarchists, headed by Antonio Goicoechea, set up Acción Nacional (which later became Acción Popular). Carlist monarchists, who supported their own pretender, Alfonso Carlos, belonged to their own organization, the Traditionalist Communión. Goicoechea later set up Renovación Española with other monarchists, such as Ramiro de Maeztu, Pedro Sáinz Rodríguez and José María Pemán. Gil Robles, who later split from Acción Nacional in March 1933, formed the major parliamentary Catholic coalition of the right, known as the CEDA, Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas.

16 The first manifestations of fascism in Spain existed in two reviews:
La Gaceta literaria, edited by Ernesto Giménez Caballero, and La conquista del Estado
, directed by Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, and published by a group which joined itself with the very Catholic and conservative Juntas Castellanas de Acción Hispánica, founded by Onésimo Redondo. This union made up las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista (JONS). There was also a strange fascist party, although Catholic and monarchist, the Partido Nacionalista Español, founded by Dr Jose´ María Albiñana, which almost immediately merged with the Bloque Nacional of Calvo Sotelo. Jose´ Antonio Primo de Rivera, Rafael Sánchez Mazas and Julio Ruiz de Alda started the Movimiento Español Sindicalista which in October 1933 would be refounded with the name: Falange Española.

17 Azaña appointed General Miguel Cabanellas as head of the Civil Guard in Sanjurjo’s place.

18 Emilio Esteban Infantes,
General Sanjurjo
, Barcelona, 1957, p. 235.

19 The law of agrarian reform applied only to Salamanca, Extremadura, La Mancha and Andalucia, where estates of more than 250 hectares accounted for more than half of all land. The slow process, opposed at every turn by landowners, exasperated the landless peasants. By the end of 1934 no more than 117,000 hectares had been expropriated and only 12,000 families out of the 200,000 planned for in the programme had been resettled (Carrión,
La reforma agraria
…p. 129).

20 Manuel Azaña,
Discursos políticos
, Barcelona, 2004, pp. 179–219.

21 Jerome R. Mintz,
Los anarquistas de Casas Viejas
, Diputación Provincial, Cádiz, 1994.

22 The CEDA obtained 24.4 per cent of the votes and the Partido Republicano Radical 22 per cent. In total, the right won 204 seats and the centre 170. The left won only 93, largely because of the weighting given in the electoral law to favour coalitions (Julio Gil Pecharromán,
Historia de la Segunda República Española (1931–1936)
, Madrid, 2002, p. 179).