Richard III and the Murder in the Tower (31 page)

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66. See Mancini,
op. cit
., and York Civic Records,
op. cit
.

67. Kendall,
op. cit,
, p. 256, says ‘The Lord Protector often rode through the city these days with a great train of lords and attendants.’ On p. 262 Kendall notes more generally that ‘the streams of visitors to Crosby Place and Baynard’s Castle, the splendor of the train with which Richard, having relinquished black, now rode in purple through the city.’ and on p. 261 he suggests that it was now that Richard disclosed the revelation of the pre-contract to the rest of the council. In respect to some of these observations it is hard to tell whether Kendall has direct evidence or is using some artistic license to draw reasonable but essentially unsupported conclusions.

68. And see Wood,
op. cit.

69. An interesting discussion of possible early dissension with respect to Richard’s reign is provided for example by Hicks, M. ‘Unweaving the web: The plot of July 1483 against Richard III and its wider significance.’
The Ricardian
, 114 (1991), 106-109. However, extended discussion of the next phase of Richard’s life is not the central focus here at this time.

70. The mayor, Edmund Shaa, is commemorated by a plaque on Church Brow in Mottram in Longendale, Lancashire.

71. Although there are a number of potential grounds for Richard taking the throne which historians suggest were tried at the time, e.g. the bastardy of Edward IV himself, the references to bastard slips sounds more like the illegitimacy of the princes here. If it were a reference to Edward it would most probably be singular. A more complete set of references concerning the specific claim can be seen in: Sheperd, K. R. ‘The title of the King: Aspects of Richard III’s Act of Succession.’
The Ricardian
, 94 (1986), 281-286.

72. Mancini,
op. cit
.

73. More,
op. cit
.

74.
Testamenta Vetusta
.

75. And see also the article by Williams, B. ‘Richard III and Pontefract.’
The Ricardian
, 86 (1984), 366-370.

76. Croyland noted that: ‘second innocent blood which was shed on the occasion of this sudden change.’
Op. cit
., p. 161.

77. This is an assumption embraced by Wood (1975)
op. cit
., p. 263, who believed the warrants were brought by the same messenger who communicated the writ of supersedes to the city of York which arrived there on the 21st, Sherriff Hutton being about half a day’s ride north of that city.

78. It was on this day that Richard began his formal reign, as we can see by the letter of instruction to Lord Mountjoy and others concerning the disposition of concerns related to the port of Calais and particularly the oath previously sworn to Edward V. See Gairdner, J.
Letters and Papers Illustrative of the Reigns of Richard III and Henry VII
(p. 12). London: HMSO, 1861.

79. The relevant excerpt from the
Croyland Chronicle
(p. 159) reads: ‘on the 26th day of the same month of June Richard, the protector, claimed for himself the government of the kingdom, with the name and title of king.’

80. Sutton, A. F. ‘The city of London and Coronation of Richard III: Points of interest.’
The Ricardian
, 63 (1978), 2-8.

81. Again, see Wood,
op. cit
.

Chapter 2: Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler
 

1.  Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’
The Ricardian
, 11, (139) (1997), 166-190; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Further reflections on Lady Eleanor Talbot.’
The Ricardian
, 11, (144) (1999), 463-467; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The inquisition post mortem of Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler, 1468.’
The Ricardian
, 12, (159) (2002), 563-573; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Lady Eleanor Talbot’s other husband.’
The Ricardian
, 14 (2004), 62-81; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The endowments of Lady Eleanor Talbot and Elizabeth Talbot, Duchess of Norfolk, at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.’
The Ricardian
, 14 (2004), 82-94; Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘The go-between.’
The Ricardian
, 15 (2005), 119-121; Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Lady Eleanor Talbot: New evidence: New answers; New questions.’
The Ricardian: Journal of the Richard III Society
, 16 (2006), 113-132. And now, Ashdown-Hill, J (2009)
Eleanor: The Secret Queen.
The History Press, Stroud, Gloucestershire.

2.  Ashdown-Hill (2006), p. 113.

3.  Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’
The Ricardian
, 11, (139) (1997), 166-190.

4.  Sweeney, J. ‘Eleanor Butler, Queen to Edward IV.’
The Medelai Gazette
, 3 (3) (1996), 18-19, states that the second marriage occurred in 1425.

5.  These pictures are among the oldest English paintings in existence and come from the house, Compton Wynyates, in Warwickshire where they apparently descended through the family of Margaret Beauchamp. The representations show the father and mother of Lady Eleanor Talbot and perhaps give some idea of what Eleanor must have looked like. This topic that is explored further in later discussion.

6.  Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned Queen: The Lady Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler.’
The Ricardian
, 11 (1997), 166-190.

7.  
Op. cit.
p. 168.

8.  But also see Routh, P. S. ‘”Lady Scroop daughter of K. Edward”: An enquiry.’
The Ricardian
, 121 (1993), 410-416, especially see the observations on p. 413.

9.  From Littlebury’s
Directory and Gazetteer of Herefordshire
, 1876-7, and see
http://www.genuki.org.uk/big/eng/HEF/Goodrich/History1876.html

10. For an analysis of Eleanor’s relations with her-in-laws, especially her first mother-in-law (Elizabeth Norbury), and her connection with Francis, Lord Lovell through her second mother-in-law (Alice Deincourt), see Ashdown-Hill, J.
Eleanor: The Secret Queen
(p. 89) The History Press: Stroud, Glos, 2009. See also Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Lady Eleanor Talbot’s other husband.’
The Ricardian
, 14 (2004), 62-81. In the cited text (Ashdown-Hill, 2009, p. 58) he has also suggested that Thomas Butler may have spent a part of his early life in the Talbot household. Hence, his association with Eleanor may have been from her childhood. This speculation helps explain the subsequent disparity in rank at the time of their later marriage since the initial agreement may have been made much earlier when the two families were of essentially equal status.

11. Richardson, D.
Magna Carta Ancestry
. (pp 795-796). Genealogical Publishing Co.: Baltimore, MD, 2005.

12. Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘The inquisition post mortem of Eleanor Talbot, Lady Butler, 1468.’
The Ricardian
, 12 (2002), 563-573.

13. For more on Eleanor’s husband see, Barker, J. ‘Sir Thomas Le Boteler.’
The Ricardian
, 45 (1974), 6-8.

14. See F. O’Shaughnessy,
The Story of Burton Dassett Church
. Undated. In the possession of the author.

15. There is the particularly interesting story of the Kimble Charity, established around the time that Eleanor would have been lady of the manor. At the time at which Ralph Boteler (Eleanor’s father-in-law) still possessed the manor, an orphan boy appeared one day begging for food and shelter from the people of South End (Little Dassett). Receiving no relief from these villagers, he crossed the brook dividing South from North End and received succour from these latter villagers. Later, that boy became a rich farmer and in his will remembered his benefactors. The 1469 deed read: ‘settled and conveyed the messuage and two-yard lands to one Ralph Wallis and his heirs in trust, that the rent and profits thereof should be employed in the manner following: seven shillings to the use and towards the repair of the Parish Church of Burton Dassett, and two-pence a house yearly to be given in bread to every householder in Knightcote or Northend in the name of Dole, and all the rest and residue of the said rents and profits to be employed to such uses, intents and purposes as the inhabitants should direct and appoint.’ see F. O’Shaughnessy,
The Story of Burton Dassett Church
(p. 14). Undated. In possession of the author. It is not impossible that Eleanor might have known and influenced the people of the village in terms of their attitude to the orphan boy some twenty years before the deed was created. This, of course, like much of our present considerations must remain speculation until and unless further evidence is uncovered.

16. There are some extant records of letters and jointure settlements in existence which relate to this arranged second marriage. The latter are to be found at: Public Records Office (PRO) Ancient Correspondence, SC1/51/147; Calendar of Ancient Deeds, iii, A4369. Further information is available in Payling, S. ‘Never “desire to be grete about princes for it is daungeros”: the rise and fall of the fifteenth-century Catesbys.’ In Bertram, J.
The Catesby Family and their Brasses at Ashby St Ledgers
(pp 1–17). Monumental Brass Society: Burlington House, London, 2006.

17. There is a possibility that she actually died on the 20th, although this was potentially the date of her burial.

18. See Bertram, J.
The Catesby Family and their Brasses at Ashby St Ledgers
. Monumental Brass Society: Burlington House: London, 2006.

19. Ashdown-Hill (2006),
op. cit
., p. 122. And see also Ashdown-Hill (2009).
op. cit.
, p. 37.

20. See Bertram, J.
The Catesby Family and their Brasses at Ashby St Ledgers
. Monumental Brass Society: Burlington House, London, 2006.

21. Baker, E. ‘Notes on the paintings in Burton Dassett Church.’ In: F. O’Shauhnessy,
op. cit.
And see also: Tristram, E. W. ‘Wall-paintings in Ashby St Ledgers Church.’ Northampton & Oakham Architectural & Archeological Society, in
Associated Architectural Societies Report and Papers
, 38 (1926–1927), 352-260.

22. Although we do not know if Eleanor was the sponsor of these works, we do know that she retired to a religious life and if the quotation about Edward’s ‘pious’ mistress referred to Eleanor, it may add to our belief that she was religiously inspired and so sponsored these paintings, one at each of the churches that she knew.

23. See Hargreaves, J. W. & Gray, J.B.
The passion series of wall paintings in the Church of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saint Leodagarius, Ashby St. Ledgers, Northamptonshire
. JR Press: Daventry, undated. And see also Tristram. E. W.
Wall Painting in Ashby St Ledgers Church.
1929.

24. See Ashdown-Hill. J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’
The Ricardian
, 11 (1997), (139), 166-190. (especially p. 185). And see also the new artistic rendering of Eleanor in Ashdown-Hill (2009),
op
.
cit
.

25. Hancock, P. A. ‘No Richard rhyme nor reason: Resisting the seduction of confirmation bias.’
The Medelai Gazette
, 14 (3) (2007), 16-22.

26. From Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘Edward IV’s uncrowned queen. The Lady Eleanor Talbot. Lady Butler.’
The Ricardian
, 11, (139) (1997), 166-190. (specifically, p. 185). And see also: Ashdown-Hill, J. ‘The missing molars: A genealogical conundrum.’
The Ricardian
, 142 (1998), 340-344.

27. See O’Regan, M. ‘The pre-contract and its effect on the succession in 1483.’
The Ricardian
, 54 (1976), 2-7; Sutton, A. ‘Richard III’s “tytylle & right”: A new discovery.
The Ricardian
, 57 (1977), 2-8. Also see the more recent article at:
http://www.richardiii.net/r3%20cont%20precon.htm
. See also Carson, A.
Richard III: The maligned King
(pp 67-68, 71). The History Press, Stroud, Glos, 2008. Also Ashdown-Hill (2009),
op. cit
., p. 103.

28. Ashdown-Hill (2006),
op. cit
., p. 116. See also Ashdown-Hill (2009),
op. cit
. p. 62, where he establishes that Thomas Butler was certainly dead by 15 January 1460 as evidenced by a deed to his father.

29. Ashdown-Hill,
op. cit.
, p. 116. (and see the note on the quit claim deed accomplishing this action, which is contained in the Warwickshire County Record Office, L 1/80, and L 1/81). This latter action is eminently sensible given the respective location of the two manors, and see Figure 8. Also, this proposition makes strong commercial sense since Great Dorsett is predominately hill country with sheep farming most appropriate while Fenny Compton is solid arable land in the vale beneath. Further, it answers Ashdown-Hill’s (2009)
op. cit.
, p 90, intrinsic question concerning this issue.

30. As Kendall, P. M.
Richard III
. W.W. Norton: New York, 1955, notes: ‘The probability is that Lady Eleanor met Edward IV when she petitioned him to keep the manors of Greve (Grove) and Great Dorset in Warwickshire.’ (note 9 from Kendall, 1955, p. 553). There remains the interesting question as to why Eleanor petitioned Edward anyway. After all, if she had decided to live with her sister at Framlingham in Suffolk or at some nearby location in Norfolk, the manors would have reverted to her father-in-law. It suggests Eleanor had a particular reason in wanting to retain her lands at this time. The recognition of her religious commitment and the possible link to the remains of the Templar order might still be a possible and intriguing reason for her actions

31. Ashdown-Hill (1997),
op. cit
., pp. 173-174. The exact date is also diffuclt to specify. However, it seems to be bracketed by the summer of 1460 and early in 1461 (and see Ashdown-Hill (2009),
op. cit
., p. 102).

32. ‘The main surviving facts about the Lady Eleanor Butler can be found in the Inquisitions Post Mortem and the Calendar of Patent Rolls. From the Inquisitions Post Mortem (8 Edward IV, no. 39; see also Cal. Inq. Post Mortem, p. 344 and GEC, XII, p. 422) we learn that Eleanor, wife of the deceased Thomas Butler knight, and sister of Sir John Talbot, died on June 30, 1468, possessed of the manors of Grove or (Greve) and Great Dorset in Warwickshire.’ (Kendall (1955),
op. cit
. p. 553).

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