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Authors: Saba Mahmood

Tags: #Religion, #Islam, #Rituals & Practice, #Social Science, #Anthropology, #Cultural, #Feminism & Feminist Theory, #Women's Studies, #Islamic Studies

Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject (29 page)

BOOK: Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject
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Many of the women who attended Hajja Faiza's sessions appreciated her in- sistence that her role was simply that of a disseminator of correct information, and that each individual remained responsible for the choices she made and the actions she took. A number of the participants remarked to me that she "made people like their religion
[tikhalli in..-nas tibibb dinha]"
because she did not invoke hell's fi s and God's wrath to compel them into action; she toler- ated the less--than..devout appearance of some of her audience; and she gave them a chance to change over time by listening to "God's speech"
(kalam al-
la ). These participants were quick to point out, however, that Hajja Faiza did not compromise on the basic principles of God's message. She remained within the bounds of the four schools of Islamic law. For some, therefore, it was precisely Hajja Faiza's noninterventionist style that brought them closer to the implementation of divine will in their lives. Others were more critical , acknowledging her command of the canonical sources, but faulting her for not deploying a strong exhortatory style and for her tendency to desist from giving specifi recommendations; if these things were remedied, they said, she would be more effective in impelling them toward pious behavior. Here, just as at the other mosques, attendees measured the effectiveness of a daeiya not only by her command of doctrinal knowledge, but also by the passional conditions of her rhetorical performance.

to lead or not to lead

Hajja Faiza has also become known in the mosque circles for some controver.. sial practices, which she has been able to continue to uphold despite being criticized publicly for them. Key among these is her practice of leading women in the performance of collective prayer in mosques, even when there is a male

Whereas the status of fan) is derived from clear injunctions based in either the Quran or the }:t dith, the mandatory character of wajib is less certain because it is grounded in traditions with weaker authority.

imam available to perform this task. 14 While three of the four schools of Is.. Iamie law ( Shafi i, Hanafi and Hanbali) allow a woman to lead other women in the performance of the obligatory prayer ritual
(�alat),
the common custom in Egypt is that if a man is present who is capable of leading the prayers, then women defer to him, especially when in a mosque where a male imam is al.. ways present. 15 Notably, the norm of custom differs in this case from maj ority juristic opinion. Hajja Faiza breaks the customary norm by holding a separate session of collective prayer for women in the mosques where she gives lessons (durii ). Thus when the call to prayer �s issued at the Umar mosque, Hajja Faiza, unlike other daeiyat, does not interrupt her lesson to allow women to join the male imam in praying, but waits until she is done with her lesson, at which point she herself conducts the prayer ritual.16 Similarly, during the holy month of Ramadan, Hajja Faiza leads a two..hour session of supplicatory prayers
( tarawi�)
immediately following those led by a male imam in the same mosque. 17 Around three hundred women show up night after night during Ra.. madan to pray with her. As far as I know, she is the only woman in the city of Cairo who leads such a session in a well..known mosque.

Hajja Faiza has been attacked for this practice by some of the women attend.. ees, as well as by a famous male daeiya, Shaikh Karam, who gives lessons in the Umar mosque to men in the evenings. Hajja Faiza's critics claim that by leading women in prayer when there is a male imam available she is perform.. ing an act of
bid ea. Bidea
is a term in Islamic doctrine that refers to unwar.. ranted innovations, beliefs, or practices for which there was no precedent at the time of the Prophet, and which are therefore best avoided. 18 During one of the lessons I attended, a woman questioned Hajja Faiza's practice of leading women in prayer when a male imam was present because, she said, she had

14
While all four schools of Islamic law recommend that, when possible, men pray collectively

(�alat
bil�jaml(a) in a mosque rather than alone at home, there is a diff ofopinion among the jurists when it comes to women. The Maliki, Shafi and Hanafi schools hold that it is better if women perform their prayer at home than at a mosque; only Hanbali jurists recommend the oppo� site (Sabiq 1994, 1:171). In those instances when women do happen to pray collectively (at home, for example), the Shafi Hanbali, and Hanafi schools recommend that a woman lead the prayers.

15
In the majority Sunni tradition, just as women are prohibited from issuing the call to prayer or delivering the Friday sermon, they are also prohibited from leading men and women together in prayer (al-Jumal 1981, 12 1-26 ). All four juristic schools hold that men may only be led by a male imam.

16
Hajja Faiza has also been criticized for delaying the performance of prayer after the call is is� sued; however, it is her taking on the role of an imam that has drawn the most criticism.

17
These prayers are supplementary to the obligatory prayers that are perf fi times a day, and are undertaken as a special act of worship during the month of Ramadan.

18
Bidca
is distinct from heresy (ill).ad): the latter is considered to be an act of conscious rebel..

lion, and the former the result of confusion, especially when it refers to disagreements about the authority of pertinent Prophetic traditions (see Robson 1999a) .

heard from
a
well--respected shaikh that such an act was bidea. Hajja Faiza read the question aloud, smiled for a moment, and then responded, "This is, of course, the opinion of Shaikh Karam: did you hear it from him?" Without waiting for an answer, she continued:

I
respect his opinion, but it is based on the Maliki school. The other three schools [Shafi i, Hanafi and Hanbali] say that it is permissible for a woman to lead other women in prayers, and is in fact better [af(la . There are three opinions on this matter
-
[from among the four schools] that are in agreement, and the fourth is

different. I follow the majority opinion in this case, and Shaikh Karam follows the

minority one. He is within his rights to do so, just as I am, because remember that it is our right [min baqqina to select from any of the opinions available in the four schools, even if the opinion happens to be noncanonical or anomalous [shadhdh .

BOOK: Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and the Feminist Subject
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