Nazi Propaganda for the Arab World (21 page)

Rise ye Arab nation as one man against your sole enemy, Britain. Our voice is your voice, harken to our appeal and respond to it for the hour of deliverance has struck.62

From Nazi Berlin, VFA spoke in the name of freedom, liberty, dignity, justice, fraternity, love, generosity, faithfulness, strength, bravery, and revolution against humiliation, injustice, and Britain. For the remainder of the war, Nazi propaganda to the Arabs continued to present itself as the genuine voice of antiimperialism and to speak to an "Arab nation" united by "clean blood."

The broadcasts continued the blend of religion and politics that was evident in the earlier Munzel programs of winter 1940-41. On June i, Bari in Arabic broadcast "Islam and Anglo-Saxon Democracy." Democracy was "a sweet word" that the Anglo-Saxons repeated to convince Arabs to believe that Britain was "a traditional friend of the Arabs" and that British democracy was "similar to Islamic democracy." Yet "the British are liars when they say this, as Islamic democracy is based on justice, equality and fraternity and not on oppression, tyranny and exploitation." There was a "great difference between false democracy and the democracy of our great leader Mohammed whose armies conquered the world and made everyone equal.... Islam was not only a democracy but also admitted a dictatorship based on justice and equality." What it called "the democracies of Islam" could not be compared with "the British democracies based on oppression and persecution." Could "the murder of the whole nation, and the driving of that nation from its homes in order to let the foreign intruder in be called democracy?" Did British democracy mean hanging nationalists, the "dragging of thousands of innocent men to prison," and dragging nations into World War II "in order to annihilate them"? The British applied democracy to themselves, but, the broadcast implied, they did not extend it to Muslims.63

In Directive No. 30 on the Middle East, issued on May 23, Hitler assigned General Helmut Felmy, who had served in the German air force on the Sinai Front in World War I, to be the head of Special Staff F (Sonderstab F). By the end of May, Special Staff F had about forty personnel.64 Its responsibilities included: advising and supporting the military forces of the pro-Axis Iraqi government in power since April; if possible to establish military ties to forces outside Iraq that were hostile to England; and to collect experience and information for the German military.65 In late May, Ribbentrop met with Grobba and General Felmy to discuss "the political preparations for the German march to the Arab countries." The three agreed that the Arabs were generally hostile to England and that their political views had been influence by German radio broadcasts and leaflets. As a result of German willingness to issue a declaration in support of Arab independence, both Husseini and Kilani had agreed to "actively participate" in German propaganda efforts. Both had "taken measures to supply continuing material in Arabic for German radio." Ribbentrop was confident that when a victorious German army advanced to the Arab countries, especially into Egypt, the Arabs would rise against England.66

On June i, in the wake of Rommel's successful spring offensive and as the fighting in North Africa moved closer to Egypt's western border, Ribbentrop ordered an intensification of radio and print propaganda aimed at Egypt. He specified that it stress the following themes. First, England had "robbed Egypt of its freedom," turned it into a battleground, and tried to draw the Egyptians into the war and to sacrifice them for its "imperialist goals." Second, England had cut Egypt off from the natural markets for its goods, especially cotton, and as a result the Egyptians endured hunger and economic distress. Third, the English troops behaved as if they were rulers in Egypt, had contempt for the Egyptian army, tormented the Egyptian people, and paid no attention to respecting Egyptian laws. Fourth, because of the importance of the Suez Canal and the Sudan, the English would not leave Egypt unless compelled to do so by force. Fifth, Rommel's soldiers and those of the Axis powers were "fighting for Egypt's liberation from the English yoke," had "no hostile intentions toward the Egyptian people," but rather came as friends. They had "only one, single enemy: the English and the peoples helping them." Sixth, the Egyptians needed to make "an appropriate contribution to their liberation" and should offer no support to "the British oppressors." Seventh, the Axis powers were "friends of the whole Arab world" and would "be welcomed and greeted in Iraq, Syria and Palestine, as in Egypt, as liberators."67

In mid-June, the broadcasts focused on Axis victories and denunciations of the Jews. On the thirteenth, VFA expressed "great pleasure" about "news of the British defeat in Libya" and denounced the Allies"`Jewish propaganda."68 In response to reports that Jews were volunteering to fight in Allied forces, on June 15 in "The Jews," VFA stated that Jews were unable to fight but rather fed "on other people's blood" and robbed them of their wealth. "The Jews did this after the last war from 1918 to 1933. Then Nazism exposed these Jewish methods and the Jewish evil strangling the whole world." The Arabs had been first to "realize the British danger for they are well acquainted with the dirty tricks of this dirty race." Jews desired a British victory because both Britain and the United States had "promised to give them a free hand to exploit the Arab people. The Arabs, on the other hand, are waiting for the hour of salvation when their bitterest enemies, namely the British and the Jews, will be crushed."69 On June 16, a Berlin in Arabic program quoted Husseini as saying that compromise with the Jews in Palestine could "never come about, and that Arabs could never accept a compromise because they are convinced that the Jews have no right whatever to be in Palestine, and their presence in that country has been imposed upon the Arabs by sheer British brutal force." Husseini expressed confidence in "ultimate Axis victory," welcomed "defeat of the common enemy, who is working together with Jewish capitalism," and was "looking forward to the destruction of Bolshevism" followed by a "new order" of "justice, equality, liberty freedom and progress" in which Arab nations would "realize all their aspirations for their freedom and independence "70

As the fighting in the desert approached Egypt, German radio expressed optimism about the war. On June i8, VFA spoke of the "British Defeat in Libya" and predicted that an Axis offensive would continue until the British were thrown out of the Nile Valley. "Egypt," it declared, "will never again have freedom except by annihilating the British and the Jews [and thus] putting an end to that low, brutal element.117 ' The VFA broadcast of the evening of the nineteenth delivered a particularly menacing threat to Egyptian Jews. It stated that "2o Jews" met in Egypt to discuss the position of Jews "subsequent to the British defeat in Libya." The Jews, it continued, had "every reason to be anxious because it will not be the Axis Powers who will suppress them, but the Arabs themselves. We, the Arabs, will seize the opportunity when the British are driven out of our country and will suppress the Jews. We can add to this that we know the name of every Jew who has cooperated with the British and who has fought against the Moslems. These Jews will in due course receive their just punishment."72 On June 23, VFA again foresaw British defeat in North Africa and made further threats. Egypt and the Arab countries could "expect to see the Axis troops come to liberate them at any moment" from the British. The Axis meant the Arabs no harm. But, the broadcast declared, "we [pro-Axis Arabs] do not like the Jews because they have exploited us and plundered our resources." It continued: "We think that any man who helps the British or the Jews is a traitor who deserves to be shot. Any person who has collaborated with the British is an enemy of the Arabs and of Arabism and does not deserve to live amongst the Arabs." Liberty was knocking at the door. It was the Arabs' "sacred duty to collaborate with the advancing Axis forces to drive the British from our land." With a common enemy, the Arabs must "go forward hand in hand to crush the Anglo-Jewish Empire;" aid the Axis, not help the British in any way, and keep a close eye on those Arab "traitors" who sided with the British.73 On June 24, Berlin in Arabic asked, "Who of us Arabs has not been proud of Rommel? Who of us is not sympathizing with him?"74

In Europe, the ability of the Nazi intelligence services to identify Jews far exceeded what they could manage in the Middle East, where any effort to locate and arrest Jews would depend on the cooperation of local collaborators. The incitement to violence against the Jews continued the following evening when VFA announced that Egypt was depending on her youth "to save her from her enemies the British and their accomplices the Jews" and to spread the message that Britain's exit would mean Egypt's freedom. The tasks of youth included guarding cities and public utilities so the British could not destroy them should they retreat as well as keeping an eye on the Jews. "All over the country the Jews should be watched. Every Jew's name must be written down, together with his address and his business. The Jews must be watched carefully so that they may be wiped out at the earliest opportunity. The youth of our country must explain to workmen, laborers and farmers all over the country, that when the British leave Egypt, it will be free." Older people who had lived under British rule "must have no place in the government of the new and free country. Government must be in the hands of youth." Moreover, everywhere people were "asking what part they can play in wiping out the British and the Jews." The VFA announcer requested that Egyptians in important cities like Cairo and Alexandria "write down the names of the owners of Jewish firms and of those belonging to the traitors, de Gaullists, British and Americans. In this manner, we shall be able to put our fingers upon those who have sucked the blood of the nation and enslaved our country." The "hour of liberty" was at hand. It was time for the Egyptian nation to rise, for the British were "as weak as sheep."75 The "hour of liberty" coincided with incitement to mass violence against the Jews. As we have noted, in view of SS preparations to send an Einsatzgruppe to the Middle East, this propaganda of incitement was closely linked to actual preparations to carry out mass killings of Jews in the Middle East.

On the evening of June 26, the Arab Nation station brought themes of anticapitalist resentment to bear on a discussion of "the Jews in Egypt." It claimed that the Jews monopolized Egypt's financial, economical, and commercial life, as well as theaters, cinemas, and all places of entertainment. The Jews caused Egyptian businesses to go bankrupt; supported the Bolsheviks, the British, and the Masons; and they employed only Jews. Most lived a"life of luxury in Egypt" because they took money from Arab workers and left "the Egyptian nation to starve." The station urged Egyptians "to wake up and take united action against the Jews."76 At 9:0o p.m. on June 28, a VFA broadcast about "Jews in Egypt" de Glared that it was "a well-known fact that when the ship rats leave their holes and try to throw themselves in the sea, it means that the ship is about to founder and there is no hope for anyone on board. Jews, as we all know, are the rats of all nations who thrive on plundering the resources of others on the sly. Once they try to leave a country, it means that the country is in a parlous state." As Rommel's Panzerarmee moved closer to Egypt, the Jews were trying to leave Egypt and Palestine. The station urged its listeners not to allow Jews to take their money out of the country, a plea that served as a justification for theft of Jewish property.77

As Rommel continued his march toward Alexandria, Axis radio urged Arabs to rise to the occasion. On the evening of June 29, VFA urged Arabs to "hamper the enemy by destroying communications, by blowing up bridges, derailing trains, and destroying railway lines and every kind of raw material that may come to your hand. Fellaheen [peasants], cut the enemy's telephone lines, attack British convoys passing through your lands and do everything in your power to spread confusion among the British forces. Into action. Into action."78 The following evening, Bari in Arabic stated that the British and Americans "are plotting with Jews to deprive the Arabs of their legal rights and they are aiming at establishing a Jewish state at the expense of the Palestinian Arabs." But, the broadcast continued, "in a few days, the Arabs will have the fate of all the Arab countries in their hands and the Anglo-Saxons and the Jews will be driven out. The Arabs will then be freed of Anglo-Jewish exploitation."79 Fifteen minutes later, VFA added to the chorus of appeals to the Egyptians "to rise against the British and against the traitors who have sold themselves for British gold." The British were "weaker than flies" yet had "decided to destroy our country." The hour had come for the Egyptian people and army to rise against the British "so that our enemies are caught between two fires, the fire of Italy before them and the fire of Egypt behind them." Britain wanted to destroy Egypt and set it on fire. "Does that please you, you heroes of the Egyptian army? You cannot stand by and watch it happen. Though it may cost you your life you must act. The British have always laughed at the Egyptians and now is the time to prove to the world that Egypt is alive. Prove that the Egyptian blood is running in your veins and fight for your country."80

German intelligence agencies expected that if Rommel defeated the British and entered Alexandria and Cairo, there would be Arab collaborators who would respond positively to these messages.81 On June 24, Alexander Konstan tin von Neurath cabled the Foreign Office from the North African Front. As a result of "today's successful invasion of Egypt," he requested guidance about the stance of King Farouk, the Wafd Party, and Prime Minister Nahas Pasha toward Germany. Weizsacker replied the following day. Although Egypt had broken diplomatic relations with Germany at the beginning of war and interned Germans, Prime Minister Nahas Pasha had resisted English pressure to enter the war. Weizsacker described Farouk as "friendly to Germany and hostile to England." The Wafd Party's nationalism was tempered by the reality of English power in the country. No Egyptian political party advocated sympathy for either of the warring parties, "though in circles of the Egyptian student movement and in Azhar University there are strong sympathies for Germany." German propaganda should not attack Nahas Pasha. Most of the Egyptian people were politically uninterested and concerned only with "personal and economic" issues. The young officers in the Egyptian army had "great sympathy for Germany" but lacked effective weapons. If German troops entered Egypt, Weizsacker ordered, the German position should be as follows: "The English have illegally robbed Egypt of its sovereignty and turned it into a base for the British army, fleet, and air force. The English are responsible for all acts of war that take place on Egyptian territory. The armies of the Axis powers come as friends, not to conquer Egypt but to liberate it from British imperialism. The Axis powers are the natural allies of every Egyptian government that pursues the interests of the nation. Egyptians, therefore, do not help the enemy and greet the troops of the Axis powers as friends." He thought it unlikely that Egyptian troops would fight Axis forces. It was important that the Germans act in ways that would secure a friendly stance.82 Weizsacker repeated a commonplace of German propaganda in the Middle East when he placed the slogans of anti-imperialism in service of Nazi expansion.