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that each man feels, in a manner, the truth of religion within his own breast; and from a consciousness of his imbecility and misery, rather than from any reasoning, is led to seek protection from that being, on whom he and all nature is dependent.

Philo gives to this a characteristically Humean twist. Nature appears unconcerned about the happiness of individuals, and to seek only the preservation of species. And while man can through society guard against many natural enemies, ‘does he not immediately raise up to himself
imaginary
enemies, the demons of his fancy, who haunt him with superstitious terrors, and blast every enjoyment of life?' Demea's view, that men look to religion for consolation in the vale of tears, and believe that evil and suffering are, from the point of view of eternity, reconcilable with divine power and benevolence, is attacked by both Philo and Cleanthes. Philo remarks that the religious imagination is moved
as much by fear as by hope. Cleanthes objects that Demea's position is entirely speculative.

Philo's principle target, however, is the possibility of
deriving
the moral attributes of God from the nature of the world. When Cleanthes presented the design argument, we were invited to ‘look round the world', and to infer divine intelligence and design from its order and purpose. Here, where the attribute of divine benevolence is in question, Hume brilliantly balances Cleanthes' speech with Philo's:

Look round this universe. What an immense profusion of beings, animated and organized, sensible and active! You admire this prodigious variety and fecundity. But inspect a little more narrowly these living existences, the only beings worth regarding. How hostile and destructive to each other! How insufficient all of them for their own happiness! How contemptible or odious to the spectator! The whole presents nothing but the idea of a blind nature, impregnated by a great vivifying principle, and pouring forth from her lap, without discernment or parental care, her maimed and abortive children.

Philo claims that in arguing from nature to God, the mixture of good and evil to be found in nature prevents any inference to a wholly good, or wholly evil, cause of the universe. He allows that the idea of there being both a good and an evil principle has some probability, but rejects it on the ground of ‘the uniformity and steadiness of general laws'; and consequently, he says, we are left with the idea of ‘blind' nature–the cause or causes of the universe have no moral attributes at all. Earlier, in
Part II
, Philo had accepted that the existence of God is ‘unquestionable and self-evident. Nothing exists without a cause; and the original cause of this universe (whatever it be) we call GOD; and piously ascribe to him every species of perfection.' Now he makes clear that the ascription of moral perfection to God can
only
be a matter of faith. So far as reasoning from the nature of the world goes, the most probable view is that God (i.e. whatever is the cause of the universe) has no moral nature. This conclusion is as unacceptable to Demea as it is to Cleanthes, who points out in
Part X
that ‘there is an end at once of all religion. For to what purpose establish the
natural attributes of the deity, while the moral are still doubtful and uncertain?'

These are some of the themes of the
Dialogues.
But there are others, also important to the question of the possibility of natural theology. I have not attempted a detailed analysis; for this there are a number of helpful studies, mentioned later. In any case, a systematic exposition of arguments, let alone a critical assessment, would not be in harmony with Hume's intention in writing in dialogue form. His general position about natural theology is sceptical, and his style is carefully adopted in order to achieve his sceptical aims. It is appropriate, therefore, to bear in mind some aspects of Hume's attitude towards scepticism.

Scepticism was a classical Greek philosophical method, taking various forms over a long period, from around 300
BC
to about AD 220. At the end of this period, the aims and methods of the sceptics were summarized by Sextus Empiricus in
Outlines of Pyrrhonism.
This work appeared in translation towards the end of the sixteenth century, and from that time scepticism played a major role in the development of philosophy. Pyrrhonism, which takes its name from Pyrrho of Elis (c. 360—275
BC
), was the most extreme form of scepticism; Hume sometimes calls it ‘total scepticism'. Another source of knowledge of classical scepticism was Cicero's
Academica
, written in or after 45
BC
. The Academy was the school of philosophy founded by Plato. Some considerable time after his death, scepticism was introduced and developed by successive heads of the school. Originally the scepticism of the Academy was total, but in time a more dogmatic position emerged, partly through the influence of the rival school of Stoicism. (Sceptics and Stoics are compared in
Part I
of the
Dialogues.)
One of those responsible for this was Philo, with whom Cicero studied scepticism when Philo was in Rome. Later, more full-blooded Pyrrhonism was revived, outside the Academy, and it is this later revival that is represented in the writings of Sextus Empiricus.

Just how Pyrrhonian and Academic scepticism differed is a matter of scholarship. But Cicero certainly suggests a difference,
and Hume, from his study of Cicero, learned to use the terms ‘Pyrrhonian' and ‘Academic' to mark a distinction. Sceptical reflections often begin with the observation that the search for truth is frustrated by the disagreements found amongst men. Experts so often tell us different things; and even in common life we find that people's perceptions differ radically. When we are tossed about in the sea of conflicting opinions, the sceptic offers an escape to tranquillity of mind, by leading us to suspend our assent from any judgement. He does this, according to Sextus, by arguing both for and against any thesis in such a way that the issue seems undecidable. Faced with a balance between
pro
and
con
, the wise man does not commit himself either way.

Now Cicero implies that the Academic sceptics went so far towards committing themselves as to deny that knowledge can be achieved. (Sextus criticizes this as dogmatic.) And they were attacked by the Stoics, by the argument that if knowledge is impossible, then so is action. If we cannot know anything, we cannot know what to do. In response, the Academics formulated a notion of ‘probability'. (The term in this context translates Cicero's
‘probabile'
, which in turn translates the original Greek expression.) The idea was that, although we have no sure criterion by which to sort truth from error, yet some things strike us as plausible or convincing, and, without committing ourselves to thinking that they are true, we can direct our actions by them. Probability is all we need, in practical terms.

Hume endorses this general position, and uses it to criticize the total scepticism of the Pyrrhonians. But his basis for the position is his own, and not anything he found in Cicero. It is to be found in his theory, already mentioned, that reason is a kind of natural instinct. On the one hand, this is a sceptical position. Hume denies that we can provide any antecedent justification for reasoning as we do from causes and effects. And, since that is so, we have no grounds for assuming that the conclusions we reach must be true. On the other hand, we do find ourselves, so to speak, persuaded by such inferences. Since it is our nature to reason as we do, there is no alternative. Hume's view here is much stronger than the classical sceptics. He is arguing that we cannot but think and
reason as we do, not just that it is a practical policy to guide action by what seems probable. And, consequently, the idea of total scepticism, a total suspense of judgement, is a fantasy. There could be no such person as a total sceptic:

Nature, by an absolute and uncontroulable necessity has determin'd us to judge as well as to breathe and feel… Whoever has taken the pains to refute the cavils of…
total
scepticism, has really disputed without an antagonist.
20

When Hume speaks of nature in these terms, he is taking a positive view of the convictions we find ourselves to have. But it is as much part of his complex theory of human nature that many beliefs arise in us which are not merely not known to be true, but positively absurd or harmful. In the
Treatise
he tries to separate the strong, irresistible and beneficial convictions which experience generates in the mind of the sceptical wise man (that fire burns, for example) from the fanciful, avoidable and often harmful notions that clutter the minds of the vulgar. Part of his theory is that powerful emotions often underlie the latter. We have seen that this diagnosis is important in his account of the origins of superstition and enthusiasm in religion.

The wise, who are enlightened by Hume's theory of human nature, know themselves better than do the vulgar. They can form general, reflective rules, based on the theory, by which to guard against the fictions of a lively imagination. In fact, it is the very process of reflection which diminishes the initial credibility of the ideas presented to us by emotion and imagination. So it would seem that the more reflective we are in our mental life, the better. But there is a twist in this. If we were to attempt to govern our beliefs entirely by reflective, general principles, we would end up without any beliefs at all – precisely the Pyrrhonian desideratum. For, as the sceptics showed, general principles of logic and methodology can always be set against one another so as to pull us in opposite directions. Hume's most considered view is that the beliefs of the wise man will be a vector of experience and reflection.

When Hume says that reason, in the sense of the capacity to
infer effects from causes and vice versa, is an instinct, he goes on to offer an account of how it operates. Very roughly, he thinks that we initially believe the evidence of our senses and memory, which give us vivid and forceful impressions. When we have had experience of the constant conjunction of two phenomena, such as fire and heat, the ideas of these become associated in the mind by a kind of conditioning. Hume calls this ‘habit' or ‘custom'. Then, whenever we have an impression of one of these phenomena, as when we see fire, the idea which is habitually associated with it, such as heat, immediately enters our consciousness. We see the child put her hand in the fire, and at once think that she will be burned. The belief we have in the evidence of our senses, which Hume identifies with the vividness and force of our perceptions, is transferred to the associated idea, and we believe that too. We do not merely think that she will be burned, we believe that she will. So belief itself turns out to be a naturally produced psychological state, which consists essentially in a kind of feeling: ideas which are the contents of belief
feel
strong, forceful and vivid.

It is because all this happens, he thinks, naturally and inevitably in everyday cases, like the example of the fire, that the Pyrrhonian idea that we might always suspend our assent, and have no beliefs at all, is absurd. This general position about how far it is possible to maintain a sceptical suspense of judgement is laid out at the beginning of the
Dialogues
, in the discussion between Cleanthes and Philo in
Part I
. But, very much in line with Hume's view, Philo claims that a sceptical suspense is possible where we are considering only abstract, reflective arguments. In those circumstances, the sceptic can always argue against the thesis being considered, so producing a weakening of conviction to balance the persuasive force of the original argument. If the topic is one on which we have no strong impulse to hold one view rather than another which results inevitably and unreflectively from past experience, then the dialectic of arguments for and against will lead to suspense of judgement:

All sceptics pretend that, if reason be considered in an abstract view, it furnishes invincible arguments against itself, and that we could never
retain any conviction or assurance, on any subject, were not the sceptical reasonings so refined and subtle that they are not able to counterpoise the more solid and more natural arguments derived from the senses and experience. But it is evident, whenever our arguments lose this advantage and run wide of common life, that the most refined scepticism comes to be upon a footing with them, and is able to oppose and counterbalance them. The one has no more weight than the other. The mind must remain in suspense between them; and it is that very suspense or balance which is the triumph of scepticism.

Philo intends to show that in natural theology, our arguments do run wide of common life. But he is prepared to find himself convinced by very ‘refined' and ‘abstract' reasoning in, say, Newton's writings. Cleanthes therefore tries to show that religious belief can be supported by arguments of just the same kind as are used in science; hence the design argument. Philo's attacks are aimed at showing that the logic of the argument is
not
of the same type. Already by the end of
Part VIII
, he has achieved this aim. But at a number of places, and very clearly in
Part XII
, he accepts that it is, nevertheless, very natural to believe that the world is the creation of ‘a first intelligent author'. What the sceptical technique does is to undermine the claim of the natural theologian that this natural assumption – what Cleanthes calls ‘the religious hypothesis' – can be proved by reasoning of a kind employed in science, namely, analogical reasoning from effects to causes.

Apart from his own philosophy, Hume used a number of sources to construct the positions of his characters. As was mentioned earlier, Butler is one source for Cleanthes, in his use of analogical argument and his willingness to allow that probable reasoning is a proper method in natural theology. Demea's cosmological argument is based on sections of
A Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God
(1705), by the influential theologian and Newtonian Samuel Clarke (1675–1729). And R. H. Hurlbutt has identified sources for parts of Cleanthes' speeches in two other Newtonians, George Cheyne (1671–1743) and Colin Maclaurin (1698–1746).
21
But it is, in my view, better to conceive of Hume's characters as representing
types
of theologians, rather than to
think of them as standing each for a particular historical thinker. Of course, Philo's speeches far outweigh those of the others, both in quantity and in sophistication, and for the most part represent Hume's views. But Hume does enough, all the same, to give Philo some life of his own, particularly in the last Part. Here Philo expresses some elements of fideism:

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