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5
SAC II
, 521–7.

6
E 403/594, 5 March 1408 (£12,178 to the prince for his army in Wales).

7
E 403/596, 3 Dec., 13 Feb. (men and guns sent to the siege of Harlech) and 23 May (wages of men formerly at the siege of Harlech). The granddaughters were Edmund's children; a hoard of Owain's possessions was also seized at Harlech (Davies,
Revolt
, 326). Glyn Dŵr's son Griffith, captured in 1405, was kept in Nottingham castle, but moved to the Tower shortly before he died of the plague in March 1411 (
Usk
, 212, 242).

8
There were hopes of a new Franco-Welsh alliance in 1410, but probably not expectations (Davies,
Revolt
, 195, 214).

9
Davies,
Revolt
, 299–309; E. Powell,
Kingship, Law and Society: Criminal Law in the Reign of Henry V
(Oxford, 1989), 195–200.

10
Davies,
Revolt
, 279, 299. By 1413–14, the receipt from Brecon was £691 (DL 28/4/8, fo. 3).

11
R. Griffiths, ‘The Glyndŵr Rebellion in North Wales Through the Eyes of an Englishman’, in Ralph A. Griffiths,
Conquerors and Conquered in Medieval Wales
(Stroud, 1994), 123–38.

12
Davies,
Revolt
, 229–36.

13
Foedera
, viii.611.

14
SAC II
, 603, 617;
CPR 1408–13
, 406; Davies,
Revolt
, 225–7. Gam died fighting for Henry V at Agincourt.

15
Watt, ‘On Account of the Frequent Attacks’, in
Rebellion and Survival
, 66.

16
Davies,
Revolt
, 325–42.

17
PROME
, viii.354; however, the commons asked that ‘certain castles might be put in pledge’ for the earl of Douglas, perhaps hoping that in return for parole further English garrisons could be established north of the border (if that is what they meant). Cf. F. Bériac and C. Given-Wilson, ‘Edward III's Prisoners of War: The Battle of Poitiers and its Context’,
EHR
116 (2001), 802–33.

18
Occasionally Henry referred to Albany as ‘governor, as he asserts, of the realm of Scotland’ (
Foedera
, viii.479, 609). At first sight gratuitously insulting, this only occurred in instructions to ambassadors which included authority to discuss a final peace as well as a truce, and may in fact be a precaution by the English king against suggestions (for example, from James I) that Albany lacked the authority to negotiate peace on behalf of the Scots; in March 1407 and again in 1409–10 there was talk of a ‘final peace’, but Arundel advised the king to demand the return of ‘the idiot who calls himself King Richard’ (
RHL
, ii.153–61, 214–15, 291–4). For the Scottish prisoners, see
Johannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collectanea
, ed. T. Hearne (67 vols, Oxford, 1715), vi.300–1, which records Henry's visit to Bardney abbey in August 1406 accompanied by two of his sons and the earls of Douglas, Fife (Murdoch) and Orkney, who dined with him and spent the night in the abbey; for the expenses of Scottish prisoners in the Tower or at Windsor, see E 403/589, 10 Dec.; E 404/24, no. 525 (three prisoners with ten servants moved to Windsor castle in May 1409, with half a mark per day for their upkeep); Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, ii.392–3; Nicholson,
Scotland
, 229–30;
SAC II
, 478–9.

19
Nicholson,
Scotland
, 246–7, 256; in May 1410 Albany dated a letter to Henry ‘in the fifth year of our governorship’, a quasi-regal style (
Foedera
, viii.635).

20
Foedera
, viii.544 (July 1407: misrepresented in the syllabus to suggest that Murdoch himself was given safe-conduct), 708 (Dec. 1411), ix.5–6, 40, 48 (April and Sept. 1413);
POPC
, i.323–6; Nicholson,
Scotland
, 231–2, 246–7, 256; M. H. Brown, ‘James I, King of Scots’,
ODNB
, 29.592–7; S. Boardman, ‘Robert Stewart, Duke of Albany’,
ODNB
, 52.739–42. Until 1411, Albany referred to James merely as ‘the son of the late king’; he was perhaps fortunate to die before James's return; however, he probably did not actively oppose James's return, and there was briefly talk in 1411–12 of the king being ransomed. For
The King's Quair
, see J. Boffey,
Fifteenth-Century Dream Visions: An Anthology
(Oxford, 2003), 90–157 (quote at p. 104).

21
Brown,
The Black Douglases
, 106–10; Macdonald, ‘George Dunbar, Earl of March’,
ODNB
, 17.207–10; although granted Somerton castle (Lincolnshire) for his residence in 1402 (
CDS
, iv.124), Dunbar was unhappy in England: in May 1407 he and some forty of his servants were pardoned after a dispute between them and the dean and chapter of Lincoln led to a riot (
Foedera
, viii.481–2).

22
Foedera
, viii.478, 483; Douglas had been allowed back to Scotland on parole in 1405, when Henry hoped the Scots might hand over the earl of Northumberland in exchange for him (
SAC II
, 472–3).

23
Scotichronicon
, 73, 182;
Foedera
, viii.536–7 (19 June 1408), 631 (4 April 1410);
POPC
, i.323–6;
CE
, 414. Henry threatened to treat Douglas's hostages ‘according to the law of arms’, but by May 1411 he seems to have resigned himself to Douglas's escape, perhaps in return for a ransom, and accepted him as an envoy to discuss the truce (
Foedera
, viii.686, 703; Nicholson,
Scotland
, 232).

24
Brown,
The Black Douglases
, 110–12; Douglas's daughter now married the regent's son.

25
RHL II
, 219–24, 228–31;
POPC
, ii.91–4.

26
It may have been taken in May, and certainly was by December 1409 (
CPR 1408–13
, 231; Nicholson,
Scotland
, 252–3;
Scotichronicon
, 182).

27
These setbacks did at last spur the council to send enough money to Berwick to pay the garrison's wages: £3,679 was handed over between Nov. 1410 and May 1411, and further money was sent for repairs to the walls of Berwick in March 1412 (Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, ii. 276–7; iii.275–9; E 404/27, no. 220).

28
CPR 1408–13
, 223–4;
Foedera
, viii.639; E 403/606, 9 Dec.; E 403/606, 23 March; E 403/609, 16 Dec.;
Hardyng
, 365–7 (who dates the raid on the Forth to the eleventh year, i.e. before Oct. 1410);
CPR 1408–13
, 223–4;
Foedera
, viii.639.

29
CIRCLE PR 7 Henry IV
, nos. 68, 69.

30
CIRCLE PR 7 Henry IV
, no. 71,
8 Henry IV
, no. 104.

31
CIRCLE PR 9 Henry IV
, no. 105;
Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland
, ed. J. O'Donovan (7 vols, Dublin, 1856), iv.794–5, 799. Marlebergh said that Kildare ‘lost all his goods, being spoiled and rifled by the lord lieutenant's men’, and was only released after paying a fine of 300 marks (
Ancient Irish Histories
, 22). It is not clear what he or his sons had done to deserve this: Crooks, ‘Factionalism and Noble Power’, 290–7.

32
CIRCLE PR 10 Henry IV
, no. 92; Thomas was in Ireland from 2 Aug. 1408 to 13 March 1409; Kildare was released shortly before he left (
Ancient Irish Histories
, 22). For the White Earl, see E. Matthew, ‘James Butler, Fourth Earl of Ormond’,
ODNB
, 9.147–9; in February 1412 he was granted two manors in county Kildare for his ‘immense service in the king's wars’ (
CIRCLE PR 13 Henry IV
, no. 31).

33
Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iii.160–3.

34
Crooks, ‘Factionalism and Noble Power’, 297–8. Marlborough said that Thomas ‘barely escaped death’ from his wound (
Ancient Irish Histories
, 21–2).

35
CCR 1405–9
, 178. When MacMurrough died in 1417 the Irish annalist lauded the fact that he had ‘defended his province against the English and Irish from his sixteenth to his sixtieth year’ (
Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland
, 830–1); for his regular raiding into Wexford, see Cosgrove,
New History of Ireland II
, 543, 552.

36
CIRCLE CR 8 Henry IV
, no. 3;
PR 10 Henry IV
, no. 176;
11 Henry IV
, nos. 99, 102.

37
Dartasso had been deputy admiral and constable of Dublin since 1401 and became steward of Ulster in 1407; he also led a raid into Ulster in June 1409 which apparently slew eighty Irish rebels (
Ancient Irish Histories
, 23), and a month later was building a ship at Drogheda to resist Scottish raiders (
CIRCLE PR 10 Henry IV
, no. 202). Prior Butler was an active military leader against the native Irish (
CIRCLE PR 12 Henry IV
, no. 14;
13 Henry IV
, no. 56). Edward Perers, a strong supporter of the Butlers, was promoted to ‘supervisor’ of the keepers of the peace in September 1409; he rebuilt Carlow castle at his own expense and was entrusted in late 1410 with the keeping of Wicklow town and castle, in the midst of rebel-held lands (
CIRCLE PR 9 Henry IV
, no. 108;
10 Henry IV
, no. 208;
11 Henry IV
, no. 18).

38
G. Harriss, ‘Thomas, Duke of Clarence’,
ODNB
, 54.284–5; Blacker, ‘A Lancastrian Prince in Ireland’. The indenture sealed by Le Scrope in 1406 provided most unusually for his troops to be paid directly from the exchequer rather than from the lieutenant's salary, perhaps because of uncertainty about Prince Thomas's use of his salary: Matthew, ‘The Financing of the Lordship of Ireland under Henry V and Henry VI’, 104–5; cf. Tiptoft's remarks in 1406 (
PROME
, viii.339.347).

39
Annals of the Kingdom of Ireland
, iv.804–5;
POPC
, i.320; Crooks, ‘Factionalism and Noble Power’, 306–14.

40
PROME
, viii.339. Henry had ordered 500 marks to be sent to Béarn in April 1407 to try to save Lourdes, but this was not enough (E 404/22, no. 417; Pépin, ‘The French Offensives of 1404–1407’, 28–30; cf.
RHL
, ii.346–7).

41
M. Vale, ‘The War in Aquitaine’, in
Arms, Armies and Fortifications in the Hundred Years War
, ed. A.Curry and M. Hughes (Woodbridge, 1994), 69–82, at pp. 74–8. Fronsac, a royal castle, was held in Henry's reign by either the lieutenant (Rutland), the mayor of Bordeaux (Farrington) or the constable of Bordeaux (Thomas Swynbourne). Yet when Swynbourne died in 1412 arrears of the garrison's wages topped 1,000 marks and in 1414 it was ‘in great disrepair’ (
CCR 1409–13
, 366).

42
Philpotts, ‘Fate of the Truce’, 73–5; Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iii.50–1; E 403/591, 15 July; Marie took her final vows at Poissy in summer 1408 (
Saint-Denys
, iv.9).

43
Duke John may have planned the murder in June (Famiglietti,
Royal Intrigue
, 60–2). For what follows see
Monstrelet
, i.154;
Saint-Denys
, iii.731–43. The principal assassin was Raoul d'Anquetonville, a man with a personal grudge against Orléans.

44
R. Vaughan,
John the Fearless
(London, 1966), 66–102. The chronicler of
Saint-Denys
, iv.739, emphasized Orléans's eloquence and charm, but indulgence in vices in his youth.

45
The truce in Guyenne was extended in April, until September:
Foedera
, viii.504–9, 515–19.

46
Foedera
, viii.504–9, 515, 519 (Guyenne); 511, 530, 548, 614 (Flanders, the duke of Burgundy); 517 (Picardy); 591 (Brittany). However, skirmishing continued around Calais, and on 15 September 1408 the earl of Kent, appointed admiral the previous year with a mandate to sweep the seas of pirates, was killed while attacking the island of Bréhat in an attempt to pressurize the inhabitants into handing over the portion of Queen Joan's dowry which they had withheld; he had unwisely removed his helmet during an assault and was struck through the head by a crossbow bolt (
Giles
, 54; Wylie,
Henry the Fourth
, iii.102–5).

47
Foedera
, 530–4, 548–60. Hugh Mortimer, the prince's chamberlain, went twice to France about a marriage between the prince and Charles's ‘second [available] daughter’ (E 404/24, no. 278). When Alexander III became pope, Henry wrote to him urging him to work for Anglo-French peace, and Alexander duly wrote to Charles VI, but his death shortly afterwards closed this avenue of mediation: BL Cotton Cleopatra E II, fo. 279 (Henry to the pope, 15 April 1409); BL Add. Ms 30,663, fos. 310–12 (Alexander to Charles VI, 25 July 1409);
CE
, 418; Wilson, ‘Anglo-French Relations’, 335; Pépin, ‘French Offensives of 1404–1407’, 39. The inclusion of Prince Thomas as an ambassador for the first time in December 1407 might indicate that his was one of the possible marriages, but the main object was to secure a French princess for Prince Henry. Henry Beaufort was chief negotiator (
Foedera
, viii.585–7, 597).

48
E 403/596, 19 Oct. 1408 (William Chester, the prince's herald, sent to the French court with letters for various lords); E 403/599, 23 May 1409 (marriage talks).

49
For contacts with Berry in 1407–9, see
Signet Letters
, nos. 704, 735, 740, 952;
Saint-Denys
, i.253; E 404/24, no. 298 (embassy to Berry on 28 Feb. 1409 dealing with
treschargeantes affaires
); cf. Philpotts, ‘Fate of the Truce’, 76.

50
Wilson, ‘Anglo-French Relations’, 361; Given-Wilson, ‘Quarrels of Old Women’;
Giles
, 54–7;
Brut
, ii.369; Schnerb,
Jean Sans Peur
, 501–7.

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