the doubt) soon revealed them to be a forgerya conclusion reached again through a libel trial in Switzerland in 1934they were widely accepted, even to some degree among the general public, as the literal truth and frequently quoted in Austria, especially, but not exclusively, by racist newspapers.
39 By the time Hitler rose to power in 1933 the book had gone through no fewer than thirty-three editions in Germany; one popular edition alone sold nearly 100,000 copies. Even more important, the legal discrediting of the Protocols did not completely discredit the myth of a worldwide conspiracy. 40
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None of the anti-Semitic ideas described in this chapter was unique to Austria either before or after the First World War. Still less were any of them inventions of either Austrian or German Nazis. However, the rapidity with which the country entered the modern, secular, industrialized age made the clash between traditionalism, with which anti-Semitismespecially the Catholic varietywas closely associated, and modern secularism, with which the Jews were identified, far more striking than in countries like Britain and France where the process of modernization was much more gradual. Moreover, the Roman Catholic church in Austria was still a powerful and authoritative institution as late as the 1930s and bitterly resented and resisted the trend toward liberalism, democracy, Marxism, capitalism, and especially secularism, all of which it associated with the Jews.
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It was not just Roman Catholics, however, who were alarmed about the role of Jews in the development of modernist trends. University students resented the rapidly increasing enrollment of Jewish students, panGerman nationalists detested the cosmopolitan outlook of some Jews, and small shopkeepers hated the large Viennese department stores, which were owned mostly by Jews. Industrial workers often hated the Jewish owners of their factories. Most of these people regarded religious antiSemitism as antiquated in a world that had become increasingly secular. For them the racial and economic antiSemitism found in the new bourgeois parties and political movements and in the Marxist Social Democratic Party seemed much more relevant and up to date. For them the ancient Judeophobia and the traditional allegations remained, but the vocabularly had changed. Moreover, unlike premodern times, when Judeophobia was merely a prejudice, albeit a deeply rooted one, there were now well-organized political parties that made antiSemitism an important part of their programs and propaganda.
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