Founding America: Documents from the Revolution to the Bill of Rights (26 page)

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BOOK: Founding America: Documents from the Revolution to the Bill of Rights
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It was a Custom in a wise and virtuous State, to preface Propositions in Council, with a prayer, that they might redound to the public Benefit. I beg Leave to imitate the laudable Example. And I do most humbly implore Almighty God, with whom dwells Wisdom itself, so to enlighten the Members of this House, that their Decision may be such as will best promote the Liberty, Safety and Prosperity of these Colonies—and for Myself, that his Divine Goodness may be graciously pleased to enable Me, to speak the Precepts of sound Policy on the important Question that now engages our Attention.
Sir, Gentlemen of very distinguished Abilities and Knowledge differ widely in their Sentiments upon the Point now agitated. They all agree, that the utmost Prudence is required in forming our Decision—But immediately disagree in their Notions of that Prudence, Some cautiously insisting, that We ought to obtain That previous Information which We are likely quickly to obtain, and to make those previous Establishments that are acknowledged to be necessary—Others strenously asserting, that tho regularly such Information & Establishment ought to precede the Measure proposed, yet, confiding in our Fortune more boldly than Caesar himself, We ought to brave the Storm in a Skiff made of Paper.
In all such Cases, where every Argument is adorn’d with an Eloquence that may please and yet mislead, it seems to me [the proper method of?] discovering the right Path, to enquire, which of the parties is probably the most warm’d by Passion. Other Circumstances being equal or nearly equal, that Consideration would have Influence with Me. I fear the Virtue of Americans. Resentment of the Injuries offered to their Country, may irritate them to Counsels & to Actions that may be detrimental to the Cause they would dye to advance.
What Advantages? 1. Animate People. 2. Convince foreign Powers of our Strength & Unanimity, & aid in consequence thereof.
As to 1st—Unnecessary. Life, Liberty & Property sufficient Motive. General Spirit of America.
As to 2d—foreign Powers will not rely on Words.
The Event of the Campaign will be the best Evidence. This properly the first Campaign. Who has received Intelligence that such a Proof of our Strength & daring Spirit will be agreeable to France? What must she expect from a People that begin their Empire in so high a stile, when on the Point of being invaded by the whole Power of G.B. aided by [formidable foreign?] aid—unconnected with foreign Power? She & Spain must perceive the imminent Danger of their Colonies lying at our Doors. Their Seat of Empire in another world. Masserano. Intelligence from Cadiz.
More respectful to act in Conformity to the views of France. Take advantage of their Pride, Give them Reason to believe that We confide in them, desire to act in conjunction with their Policies & Interests. Know how they will regard this
Stranger in the States of the world. People fond of what they have attained in producing. Regard it as a Child—A Cement of affection. Allow them the glory of appearing the vindicators of Liberty. It will please them.
It is treating them with Contempt to act otherwise. Especially after the application made to France which by this time has reach’d them. Bermuda 5 May. Abilities of the person sent.
14
What will they think, if now so quickly after without waiting for their Determination—Totally slighting their sentiments on such a prodigous [...]—We haughtily pursue our own Measures? May they not say to Us, Gentlemen You falsely pretended to consult Us, & disrespectfully proceeded without waiting our Resolution. You must abide the Consequences. We are not ready for a Rupture. You should have negotiated till We were. We will not be hurried by your Impetuosity. We know it is our Interest to support You. But we shall be in no haste about it. Try your own strength & Resources in which you have such Confidence. We know now you dare not look back. Reconciliation is impossible without declaring Yourselves the most rash & at the same Time the most contemptible Thrasos that ever existed on Earth. Suppose on this Event G.B. should offer Canada to France & Florida to Spain with an Extension of the old Limits. Would not France & Spain accept them? Gentlemen say the Trade of all America is more valuable to France than Canada. I grant it but suppose she may get both. If she is politic, & none doubts that, I averr she has the easiest Game to play for attaining both, that ever presented itself to a Nation.
When We have bound ourselves to an eternal Quarrel with G.B. by a Declaration of Independence, France has nothing to do but to hold back & intimidate G.B. till Canada is put into her Hands, then to intimidate Us into a most disadvantageous Grant of our Trade. It is my firm opinion these Events will take Place—& arise naturally from our declaring Independance.
As to Aid from foreign Powers. Our Declaration can procure Us none this Campaign tho made today It is impossible.
Now consider if all the advantages expected from foreign Powers cannot be attained in a more unexceptionable manner. Is there no way of giving Notice of a Nation’s Resolutions than by proclaiming it to all the world? Let Us in the most solemn Manner inform the House of Bourbon, at least France, that we wait only for her Determination to declare an Independance. We must not talk generally of foreign Powers but of those We expect to favor Us. Let Us assure Spain that we never will give any assistance to her Colonies. Let France become Guarantee. Form arrangements of this Kind.
Besides, first Establish our governments & take the Regular Form of a State. These preventive Measures will shew Deliberation, wisdom, Caution & Unanimity.
Our Interest to keep G.B. in Opinion that We mean Reunion as long as possible. Disadvantage to administration from Opposition. Her Union from our Declaration. Wealth of London &c pour’d into Treasury. The whole Nation ardent against us. We oblige her to persevere. Her Spirit. See last petition of London. Suppose We shall ruin her. France must rise on her Ruins. Her Ambition. Her Religion. Our Danger from thence. We shall weep at our victories. Overwhelm’d with Debt. Compute that Debt 6 Millions of Pa. Money a Year.
The War will be carried on with more Severity. Burning Towns. Letting Loose Indians on our Frontiers. Not yet done. Boston might have been burnt. What advantages to be expected from a Declaration ? 1. Animating our Troops. Answer, Unnecessary. 2. Union of Colonies. Answer, Also unnecessary. It may weaken that Union—when the People find themselves engaged in a [war] rendered more cruel by such a Declaration without prospect of End to their Calamities by a Continuation of the War. People changeable. In Bitterness of Soul they may complain against our Rashness & ask why We did not apply first to foreign Powers. Why We did not settle all Differences among ourselves. Take Care to secure unsettled Lands for easing their Burthens instead of leaving them to particular Colonies. Why not wait till better prepar’d. Till We had made an Experiment of our Strength. This [probably?] the first Campaign.
3. Proof of our strength & Spirit. France & Spain may be alarm’d & provoked. Masserano. Insult to France. Not the least Evidence of her granting Us favorable Terms. Her probable Conditions. The Glory of recovering Canada. She will get that & then dictate Terms to Us.
A Partition of these Colonies will take Place if G.B. cant conquer Us. Destroying a House before We have got another. In Winter with a small Family. Then asking a Neighbor to take Us in. He unprepared.
4th. The Spirit of the Colonies calls for such a Declaration. Answer, not to be relied on. Not only Treaties with foreign powers but among Ourselves should precede this Declaration. We should know on what Grounds We are to stand with Regard to one another.
Declaration of Virginia about Colonies in their Limits.
The Committee on Confederation dispute almost every Article—some of Us totally despair of any reasonable Terms of Confederation.
We cannot look back. Men generally sell their Goods to most Advantage when they have several Chapmen. We have but two to rely on. We exclude one by this Declaration without knowing What the other will give.
G.B. after one or more unsuccessful Campaigns may be enduc’d to offer Us such a share of Commerce as would satisfy Us—to appoint Councillors during good Behaviour—to withdraw her armies—in short to redress all the Grievances complained of in our first Petition—to protect our Commerce—Establish our Militias. Let Us know, if We can get Terms from France that will be more beneficial than these. If We can, let Us declare Independance. If We cannot, let Us at least withhold that Declaration, till We obtain Terms that are tolerable.
We have many Points of the utmost moment to settle with France—Canada, Acadia, Cape Breton. What will Content her? Trade or Territory? What Conditions of Trade? Barbary Pirates.
Spain. Portugal. Will she demand an Exclusive Trade as a Compensation or grant Us protection against piratical States only for a share of our Commerce?
When our Enemies are pressing us so vigorously, When We are in so wretched a State of preparation, When the Sentiments & Designs of our expected Friends are so unknown to Us, I am alarm’d at this Declaration being so vehemently prest. A worthy Gentleman told Us, that people in this House have had different Views for more than a 12 month. Amazing after what they have so repeatedly declared in this House & private Conversations—that they meant only Reconciliation. But since they can conceal their Views so dextrously, I should be glad to read a little more in the Doomsday Book of America—Not all—that like the Book of Fate might be too dreadful. Title page—Binding. I should be glad to know whether in 20 or 30 Years this Commonwealth of Colonies may not be thought too unwieldy—& Hudson’s River be a proper Boundary for a separate Commonwealth to the Northward. I have a strong Impression on my Mind that this will take place.

John Adams

LETTER TO ABIGAIL ADAMS
JULY 3, 1776
PHILADELPHIA JULY 3D. 1776
 
HAD A DECLARATION OF Independency been made seven Months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious Effects. ————We might before this Hour, have formed Alliances with foreign States. We should have mastered Quebec and been in Possession of Canada. You will perhaps wonder, how such a Declaration would have influenced our Affairs, in Canada, but if I could write with Freedom I could easily convince you, that it would, and explain to you the manner how. Many Gentlemen in high Stations and of great Influence have been duped, by the ministerial Bubble of Commissioners to treat. And in real, sincere Expectation of this Event, which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid, in promoting Measures for the Reduction of that Province. Others there are in the Colonies who really wished that our Enterprise in Canada would be defeated, that the Colonies might be brought into Danger and Distress between two Fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the Expedition to Canada, lest the Conquest of it, should elevate the Minds of the People too much to hearken to those Terms of Reconciliation which they believed would be offered Us. These jarring Views, Wishes and Designs, occasioned an opposition to many salutary Measures, which were proposed for the Support of that Expedition, and caused Obstructions, Embarrassments and studied Delays, which have finally, lost Us the Province.
All these Causes however in Conjunction would not have disappointed Us, if it had not been for a Misfortune, which could not be foreseen, and perhaps could not have been prevented, I mean the Prevalence of the small Pox among our Troops. This fatal Pestilence compleated our Destruction. It is a Frown of Providence upon Us, which We ought to lay to heart.
But on the other Hand, the Delay of this Declaration to this Time, has many great Advantages attending it. The Hopes of Reconciliation, which were fondly entertained by Multitudes of honest and well meaning tho weak and mistaken People, have been gradually and at last totally extinguished. Time has been given for the whole People, maturely to consider the great Question of Independence and to ripen their Judgments, dissipate their Fears, and allure their Hopes, by discussing it in News Papers and Pamphletts, by debating it, in Assemblies, Conventions, Committees of Safety and Inspection, in Town and County Meetings, as well as in private Conversations, so that the whole People in every Colony of the 13, have now adopted it, as their own Act. This will cement the Union, and avoid those Heats and perhaps Convulsions which might have been occasioned, by such a Declaration Six Months ago.
But the Day is past. The Second Day of July 1776, will be the most memorable Epocha, in the History of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated, by succeeding Generations, as the great anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the Day of Deliverance by solemn Acts of Devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with Pomp and Parade, with Shews, Games, Sports, Guns, Bells, Bonfires and Illuminations from one End of this Continent to the other from this Time forward forever more.
You will think me transported with Enthusiasm but I am not. I am well aware of the Toil and Blood and Treasure, that it will cost Us to maintain this Declaration, and support and defend these States. Yet through all the Gloom I can see the Rays of ravishing Light and Glory. I can see that the End is more than worth all the Means. And that Posterity will tryumph in that Days Transaction, even altho We should rue it, which I trust in God We shall not.

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