Collapse of Dignity (50 page)

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www.edelstamprize.org

In unity there is strength; strength and solidarity give the power to win.

—
A SAYING OF THE UNITED STEELWORKERS AND LOS MINEROS

At its core, the battle Los Mineros has waged for more than seven
years is not about revenge. Instead, it is a reflection of the ongoing class struggle in Mexico and in many other parts of the world. In far too many places, the working class is being abused. Wealth is firmly concentrated at the top of the hierarchy, and the poorest of the world are getting poorer. A large portion of the wealthy disregards the plight of these people, but some—like the heads of the companies who have persecuted us so vilely—are aggressive and greedy in their efforts to keep the status quo.

Every human being has a universal right to find dignified work that provides fair compensation. The purpose of a union is to help ensure that everyone is able to exercise that right. And a union can't be erased
just because a company or a government wants it to be. They are the barrier between the worker and outright exploitation.

Despite the way many businesspeople paint them, it is not the purpose of a union to run down the company, and a unionist is not the adversary of the organization. The purpose of a union is to add a crucial counterbalance to the power of the company. And, in fact, a union can empower workers in a way that benefits the goals of the company as well. Workers are in the trenches every day, and they have a hands-on role in production processes that many supervisors, managers, and executives don't have. When the worker is backed by a strong union, he is a partner with the company, not a mere tool. He can therefore be freed to make constructive suggestions—for improvements, efficiencies, expansion, or any other changes that positively impact the workflow and the company's bottom line. The result is a worker who feels necessary and respected, not marginalized, exploited, and frustrated.

When the worker is respected and is treated with dignity, both parties—laborer and company—benefit immensely. That's why we constantly try to implement comprehensive social programs that include access to housing, education, health care, and insurance. Our aim isn't to drain the coffers of executives but to establish the basic rights of workers, a situation that would often benefit the company more than the savings they win oppressing employees and contractors.

Because defense of workers' rights is going to be an ongoing struggle—not just for us but for future generations as well—we also emphasize the need for organizations that build up workers' ability to lead. We have proposed the creation of a Union Training and Leadership Institute that will build up young and aspiring leaders in the workers' movement. We have also created a national political group called National Democratic Change (CADENA), to open up opportunities for workers to participate in the political arena. And we have also encouraged the development of the Women's Front to Struggle for Workers' Dignity in Mexico and the World, which has waged important battles for the dignity of workers. Oralia has been a key
organizer in the Women's Front, and it grows every day, in Mexico and internationally.

The fight for the basic principles of trade unionism—unity, loyalty, and solidarity—must extend beyond the programs of our own union, though. In today's world of transnational companies who are eager to exploit labor, it is all the more crucial that we defend them on a global scale. Without them, virtual slavery would prevail, along with mass exploitation and a loss of hope among the lower classes. A robust labor movement is the only way to effectively counterbalance the growing power and resources of global corporations and also the threats to security from organized crime.

Such an arrangement benefits everyone involved, including the people of a country in general. When the greed and arrogance of a few at the top are held in check by a responsible, honest, and supportive union, society as a whole becomes more equitable and stable. When their greed and arrogance are allowed to run rampant, poverty remains and social frustration festers. And when labor leaders and corporate leaders work hand in hand—with mutual respect and a commitment to the agreements made between employer and worker—the company, too, is allowed to flourish.

It is noteworthy that the countries with the greatest rates of unionization (more than 80 percent of workers), such as Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Denmark, also have the highest levels of operating efficiency and productivity in the world. These countries also have the lowest rates of corruption on the planet, which is not an accident. The distribution of wealth, much more evident in Scandinavia than in the rest of the world, is also closely tied to the high rate of labor organization. Thus, unions are not an obstacle to productivity, efficiency, egalitarianism, or social peace. Rather, they are monitors and guardians of the right every citizen has to equality, security, dignity, and hope for the future.

The same can be the case in Mexico, in the United States, in Canada, in Latin America, and throughout the rest of the world. To get there, we need strong unions that encourage a new type of business-person—one who seeks to collaborate fairly with workers to increase
productivity and efficiency, not one who seeks every way possible to abuse workers and lower their wages. In late 2012, Gina Rinehart, Australian mining magnate and the world's richest woman, spoke at the Sydney Mining Club and made a case for drastically lowering miners' wages in her country—so her company could compete with others elsewhere that pay workers $2 a day. Before that, she'd said that if poor people are “jealous” of the wealthy, they should “do something to make more money [themselves]—spend less time drinking or smoking and socializing, and more time working.” These absurd and small-minded attacks epitomize the type of business leader the unions need to counterbalance.

Unfortunately, and despite the benefits, the global rate of unionization has decreased. Employers resist making the effort to collaborate; in many places, unionism bears a stigma, and people see it as holding back growth and encouraging corruption; and some union leaders have indeed abused their power and not proven themselves equal to the people who elected them. In cases of the latter, the media magnifies the incident and makes it seem like a fundamental problem with unions, which couldn't be further from the truth.

We face a challenge as we—Los Mineros and workers across the globe—fight for a New Unionism that protects the rights of laborers everywhere. We must build up strong leaders within our organization, leaders who have moral authority and are not afraid to stand up to abuse wherever they find it. We must also promote democracy and transparency within our organizations, so that no one can attack us or paint us as anything but upright and honorable entities. We must educate everyone around us, unionized or not, about the importance of the labor movement, how it protects us from social decay, misery in the lower classes, and corruption in all its forms. And we must never back down when threatened by corporate figures or corrupted governments.

I hope that the heroes who have given so much in this fight will serve as an inspiration of endurance and commitment to the cause. We must all have their tenacity and integrity as we struggle to usher in a new era
of unionism that lifts up and dignifies workers—those of Mexico and the rest of the world.

Even after all this struggle against the tyranny of a few, we have not yet seen the flowering of a better and nobler world, where the members of every society can live happily, without the unlimited exploitation that annihilates the most fundamental rights of human beings. But I am convinced that there are many more of us, people with healthy ideas and principles, who will continue fighting until we achieve this highly dignified purpose.

Abascal, Carlos María,
177
,
179–180
,
217

    
double-talk and double-standards of,
46

    
as enemy of miners,
177

    
Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón and,
34–37
,
158

    
as Interior Secretary,
34
,
37
,
40
,
42
,
171

    
as Labor Secretary,
32–34
,
40
,
115

    
support for Larrea Mota Velasco, Germán Feliciano,
98
,
129

Absolute power, abuse of,
309

    
Aceros Planos de México (APM),
146

    
auction of,
114

Acosta Azcón, Agustín

    
denial of story reported in Milenio,
258–259

    
direction of, from Grupo México,
263

    
at Linares, Juan's trial,
254–255

    
media appearances of,
254

    
son of Acosta Lagunes, Agustín,
253

Acosta Chaparro, Arturo, recruitment of, to assinate Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón,
223–224
,
238

Acosta Lagunes, Agustín

    
as former general director of the Mexican Mint,
253

    
as Grupo México's lawyer,
193

Agencia Federal de Investigacion (AFI),
46
,
260
,
289

Agreement
72–73
,
87
,
159–160

Aguas Blancas, Guerrero, massacre of peasants in,
223

Aguilar, Ruben, media campaign of,
95–96
,
103–104

Aguilar López, Miguel Angel (Judge), confirmation of innocence of Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón,
300

Aguilera, Elias, survival of, in mine explosion,
89

Alarcón, Javier Lozano (Labor Secretary),
248–249

    
attention on Cananea strike,
197–198

    
bribery of Pavón, Carlos and,
247

    
as “cat,”
219
,
275
,
306

    
denial of
toma de nota
,
218–219

    
heading of fact-finding commission by,
202

    
journalists questioning of,
307

    
labor progress made without involvement of,
305

    
as member of PRI,
164–165

    
national executive committee in office of,
239

    
partnership with Gómez Mont, Fernando,
249

    
as persecutor of miners,
167–169

    
pressing of charges against,
219

    
resolve to end conflict with union members,
215

    
Rivero Legarreta, Juan and,
215
,
217

Alatorre, Javier,
189

Albor, Mariano, previous criminal defense lawyer,
135

Albuquerque, New Mexico, temporary relocation of Gómez Urrutia, Napoleón to,
108

Alcalde Justiniani, Arturo

    
as legal defender of labor,
168

    
as outstanding journalist,
191

Allende,
98

Almeida, Jorge, confirmation of, in industrial homicide as term,
71

    
trip to Pasta de Conchos,
56–57

Altos Hornos de México (AHMSA) (steel company),
58
,
213

    
abuse and collaboration in boardrooms of,
142

    
Ancira Elizondo, Alonso, of,
177

    
bribery of communications professionals by,
188

    
criminal acts of,
293
,
297

    
engineers from,
58

    
government holding company with control of,
267

    
as largest steel producer,
6
,
21
,
107

    
national heritage and,
145

    
ownership by Mexican government,
227

Alvarez Gómez, Héctor

    
murder of,
119–120
,
124
,
297

    
widow of,
119–120