Christianity: The First Three Thousand Years (177 page)

71
Baumer, 22, 59.

72
Ibid., 105-7.

73
Harvey, 'Syria and Mesopotamia', 363.

74
Baumer, 66-71.

75
Goodman, 71.

76
V. N. Nersessian, 'Armenian Christianity', in Parry (ed.), 23-47, at 25.

77
Ibid., 24-5.

78
Ibid., 27-8.

79
Stringer, 93-4.

6: The Imperial Church (300-451)

1
Stevenson (ed., 1987), 283.

2
Ibid., 284-6.

3
Ibid., 315-16.

4
Ibid., 283-4.

5
Eusebius, 547-8, 554 (
Life of Constantine
, XXIX, LV). For further discussion of the nature of Constantine's faith, see pp. 291-3.

6
A. Grafton and M. Williams,
Christianity and the Transformation of the Book: Origen, Eusebius and the Library of Caesarea
(Cambridge, MA, 2006), 215-21.

7
A. H. M. Jones,
Constantine and the Conversion of Europe
(London, 1948), 93-4.

8
Herrin, 9.

9
For what Constantine did achieve in Rome, see pp. 291-3.

10
E. D. Hunt, 'Constantine and Jerusalem',
JEH
, 48 (1997), 405-24, at 409.

11
Herrin, 5.

12
See H. C. Evans (ed.),
Byzantium: Faith and Power (1261-1557)
(New Haven and London, 2004), 5, 523, and for comment, see p. 495.

13
Goodman, 548.

14
Stringer, 65-6.

15
Excellent accounts of this event and its consequences are provided by Hunt, 'Constantine and Jerusalem', and E. D. Hunt,
Holy Land Pilgrimage in the Later Roman Empire,
AD
312-460
(Oxford, 1984), esp. Chs. 1 and 2. For the archaeology of Constantinian Jerusalem, see J. Murphy O'Connor,
The Holy Land: An Oxford Archaeological Guide
(Oxford, 1980), esp. 49-61.

16
C. Morris,
The Sepulchre of Christ and the Medieval West from the Beginning to 1600
, (Oxford, 2005), 28-31.

17
P. Walker,
Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the Fourth Century
(Oxford, 1990), esp. 371.

18
On Gregory and Jerome, B. Bitton-Ashkelony,
Encountering the Sacred: The Debate on Christian Pilgrimage in Late Antiquity
(Berkeley and London, 2005), Chs. 1 and 2, esp. 52.

19
On the gradual development of the Jerusalem pilgrimage and mixed motives of the pilgrims, see C. Mango, 'The Pilgrim's Motivation', in E. Dassmann and J. Engemann (eds.),
Akten des XII. Internationalen Kongresses fur Christliche Archaologie
(2 vols. and Register, Munster, 1995), I, 1-9.

20
F. M. Young, 'Prelude: Jesus Christ, Foundation of Christianity', in Mitchell and Young (eds.), 1-35, at 5, and on crosses in texts in the form of 'staurograms' (representations of the Cross), see L. W. Hurtado,
The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins
(Grand Rapids, 2006), esp. 135-6, 139, 151-4.

21
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 258-62.

22
Matthew 24.2; Luke 19.44: cf. Jesus's predictions with a different and apparently symbolic thrust that he would destroy the Temple and rebuild it in three days, Matthew 26.61; 27.39-40; John 2.19.

23
Luke 1.52-3.

24
H. Inglebert,
Les Romains chretiens face a l'histoire de Rome: Histoire, christianisme et romanites en Occident dans l'Antiquite tardive (IIIe-Ve siecles)
(Paris, 1996), 169-73. A balanced, not to say astringent, introduction to Eusebius as historian is F. Young,
From Nicaea to Chalcedon
(London, 1983), 1-23.

25
Stevenson (ed., 1987), 258; on Paul, see p. 175.
26
R. P. C. Hanson, 'The Liberty of the Bishop to Improvise Prayer in the Eucharist',
Vigiliae Christianae
, 15 (1961), 173-6. A very useful summary of what we can know about early liturgy is B. Spinks, 'The Growth of Liturgy and the Church Year', in A. Casiday and F. W. Norris (eds.),
The Cambridge History of Christianity II: Constantine to c. 600
(Cambridge, 2007), 601-17.

27
For the retreat to the wilderness, Matthew 4.1-11; Mark 1.12-13; Luke 4.1-13. On Nicaea, see Stevenson (ed., 1987), 339-40 (Canon 5).

28
The title of his book
The Silent Rebellion: Anglican Religious Communities, 1845-1900
(London, 1958).

29
Stevenson (ed., 1987), 146-53.

30
A. F. J. Klijn,
The Acts of Thomas: Introduction, Text, and Commentary
(2nd edn, Leiden, 2003), 70-73, 110-11 [paras. 11-16; 87-90].

31
S. A. Harvey, 'Syria and Mesopotamia', in Mitchell and Young (eds.), 351-65, at 358.

32
T. Vivian and A. N. Athanassakis with R. A. Greer (eds.),
The Life of Antony by Athanasius of Alexandria
(Kalamazoo, 2003), 60-63 [para. 3].

33
H. Chadwick, 'The Early Church', in Harries and Mayr-Harting (eds.), 1-20, at 13.

34
Good discussion of Pachomius's initiatives in J. E. Goehring, 'Withdrawing from the Desert: Pachomius and the Development of Village Monasticism in Upper Egypt',
HTR
, 89 (1996), 267-85, at 275-7.

35
E. A. Judge, 'The Earliest Use of Monachos for "Monk" (P. Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism',
JAC
, 20 (1977), 72-89, at 73-4.

36
C. Stewart,
'Working the earth of the heart': The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts and Language to
AD
431
(Oxford, 1991), esp. 2-4, 12-24.

37
Hastings, 6.

38
Binns, 109.

39
Vivian and Athanassakis with Greer (eds.),
The Life of Antony by Athanasius
, 68-71 [para. 6].

40
Ibid., 92-3 [para. 14.7]; cf. ibid., 78-9 [para. 8.2]. For useful discussion of the manipulation of the Egyptian story of monastic origins, see Goehring, 'Withdrawing from the Desert', 268-73.

41
Vivian and Athanassakis with Greer (eds.),
The Life of Antony by Athanasius
, 50-51.

42
For examples, see Stevenson (ed., 1989), 169-70.

43
Baumer, 112.

44
Ibid., 113.

45
D. Krueger,
Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius's
Life
and the Late Antique City
(Berkeley and London, 1996), esp. 41, 43-4, 90-103. See also A. Ivanov,
Holy Fools in Byzantium and Beyond
(Oxford, 2006), esp. on Orthodox disapproval, at 2, and on Simeon in the bathhouse, at 115, and on Serbian silence, at 252-3.

46
A. Hadjar,
The Church of St. Simeon the Stylite and Other Archaeological Sites in the Mountains of Simeon and Halaqua
(Damascus, [1995]), 16-17, 22-3, 26-7, 31, 49.

47
Dalrymple, 57-60. Simeon's infant pillar-dwelling is recorded by the sixth-century historian Evagrius, who had known him: W. Smith and H. Wace (eds.),
Dictionary of Christian Biography
(4 vols., London, 1877-87), IV, 681.

48
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 99.

49
A. M. Casiday (ed.),
Evagrius Ponticus
(London, 2006), 193 ['On Prayer', 67]. Casiday provides a fine selection from Evagrius's writings.

50
L. Dysinger,
Psalmody and Prayer in the Writings of Evagrius Ponticus
(Oxford, 2005), 6, 193-5. On his enthusiastic development of medical imagery, ibid., 104-23. For his influence on John Cassian, see pp. 315-16.

51
Stevenson (ed., 1987), 277-8. For Athanasius's angrily distorted version of Melitius's break with colleagues, ibid., 357-8.

52
Events usefully summarized ibid., 297-312.

53
Ibid., 304; for these events generally, ibid., 302-7.

54
Ibid., 330.

55
R. C. Gregg and D. E. Groh,
Early Arianism: A View of Salvation
(London, 1981), esp. 14-19, 28-9, 68-70, 114-15. For a balanced assessment of Arius, see R. Williams,
Arius: Heresy and Tradition
(2nd edn, London, 2001).

56
Cf. the comments of the church historian Socrates, interestingly sympathetic to Arius, in Stevenson (ed., 1987), 321, and on Arius and Melitius, ibid., 277-8 and 321; though see doubts in Williams,
Arius
, 37-41.

57
Stevenson (ed., 1987), 334-5.

58
M. Edwards, 'The First Council of Nicaea', in Mitchell and Young (eds.), 552-67, at 561 and n.

59
The course and results of the council are usefully presented in Stevenson (ed., 1987), 338- 51. The term 'oecumenical', with one of those incongruities which enrich the study of history, was (as Henry Chadwick discovered) borrowed from the title of the empire-wide association of actors and athletes given privileges by third-century emperors: Chadwick, 73.

60
See p. 428.

61
For Arius and his bishop, Stevenson (ed., 1987), 326-7.

62
The traditional picture of bishops at Nicaea voting according to the emperor's wishes and then revealing their true 'Eusebian' colours is significantly qualified in S. Parvis,
Marcellus of Ancyra and the Lost Years of the Arian Controversy, 325-345
(Oxford 2006): she detects little overlap between those voting at Nicaea and later 'Eusebian' bishops, and a good deal of evidence of ruthless politicking by Eusebius of Nicomedia after Nicaea. See esp. ibid., 5-7, 39-50, 100-107, 133, 255-64.

63
Frend, 524.

64
A. Robertson (ed.),
Select Writings and Letters of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria
(
NPNF
, ser. 2, IV, 1891), 329, and cf. 412-13 (
Four Discourses against the Arians
, 1.39, 3.34). For Irenaeus's formulation, see A. Roberts and J. Donaldson (eds.),
The Apostolic Fathers, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus
(
Ante-Nicene Fathers
I, 1885), 526 (Irenaeus,
Against Heresies
, bk. 5, preface): 'our Lord Jesus Christ, who did, through His transcendent love, become what we are, that He might bring us to be even what He is Himself'.

65
L. Ayres,
Nicaea and Its Legacy: An Approach to 4th-century Trinitarian Orthodoxy
(Oxford, 2004), esp. 431-2. See also D. M. Gwynn,
The Eusebians: The Polemic of Athanasius of Alexandria and the Construction of the Arian Controversy
(Oxford, 2007).

66
Various drafts and councils usefully presented in Stevenson (ed., 1989), 13-21, 39-41, 45-8.

67
An introduction to Julian with primary source material is S. Tougher,
Julian the Apostate
(Edinburgh, 2007), and a notably lively novelistic imagining of Julian is G. Vidal,
Julian: A Historical Novel
(New York, 1964). See also Stevenson (ed., 1989), 52-68.

68
Frend, 602-3.

69
J. Huskisson, 'Pagan and Christian in the Third to Fifth Centuries', in Wolffe (ed.), 13-41, at 31.

70
For another example of Epiphanius's labelling and smearing, see p. 124.

71
P. Schaff (ed.),
Basil: Letters and Select Works
(
NPNF
, ser. 2, VIII, 1895), 48 (
Oration on the Holy Spirit
, Ch. 30).

72
A fine introduction to the Cappadocian Fathers is Young,
From Nicaea to Chalcedon
, 92 - 122.

73
See Basil the Great's explanation of the difference: Stevenson (ed., 1989), 105.

74
For proceedings at Constantinople and Aquileia, see ibid., 111-19, 124-5.

75
A point noted by that acute and deliberately unfathomable scholar Erasmus of Rotterdam: see p. 602, and S. Snobelen, ' "To us there is but one God, the Father": Antitrinitarian Textual Criticism in Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-century England', in Hessayon and Keene (eds.), 116-36, at 118.

76
For this confusion in the mind of Cyril of Alexandria, see below, n. 84.

77
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 87-93, esp. 88.

78
Ibid., 150-54.

79
Ibid., 284; see Frend, 744.

80
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 77.

81
A. Hastings, '150-550', in Hastings (ed.), 25-65, at 39.

82
Stevenson (ed., 1989), 291-5.

83
For careful assessments of Cyril which some may find occasionally overgenerous in their sympathy, see T. G. Weinandy and D. A. Keating (eds.),
The Theology of St Cyril of Alexandria: A Critical Appreciation
(London, 2003). Cyril's character caused even his admirer John Henry Newman some pause, and profitable reflection on the paradoxical quality of holiness. 'David was the "man after God's own heart", but as this high glory does not oblige us to excuse his adultery or deny his treachery to his friend, so we may hold St Cyril to be a great servant of God without considering ourselves obliged to defend certain passages of his ecclesiastical career. It does not answer to call whity-brown, white': J. H. Newman, 'Trials of Theodoret', in
Historical Sketches
(3 vols., London, 1872-3), II, 303-62, at 342.

84
See Stevenson (ed., 1989), 308-9, n. on para. 73d: a treatise written by the condemned Apollinaris circulated under the name of Athanasius and Cyril therefore it took to be acceptable. Cf. also Frend, 838.

85
Cf. Theodore on
prosopon
, Stevenson (ed., 1989), 292. See p. 218.

86
N. Constas,
Proclus of Constantinople and the Cult of the Virgin in Late Antiquity: Homilies 1-5, Texts and Translations
(2003), 52-69. For the whole sequence of events, see Stevenson (ed., 1989), 287-91, 295-308.

87
For useful comment on Antiochene horror at Nestorius's rejection of
Theotokos
, see D. Fairbairn, 'Allies or Merely Friends? John of Antioch and Nestorius in the Christological Controversy',
JEH
, 58 (2007), 383-99, at 388-93.