Read Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human Online
Authors: Richard Wrangham
Tags: #Cooking, #History, #Political Science, #Public Policy, #Cultural Policy, #Science, #Life Sciences, #Evolution, #Social Science, #Anthropology, #General, #Cultural, #Popular Culture, #Agriculture & Food, #Technology & Engineering, #Fire Science
Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human (27 page)
BOOK: Catching Fire: How Cooking Made Us Human
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149
The procedure for cooking the fruit pulp:
Truk: Gladwin and Sarason (1953); Marquesans: Handy (1923).
The procedure for cooking the fruit pulp:
Truk: Gladwin and Sarason (1953); Marquesans: Handy (1923).
149
women were responsible for cooking:
For both women and men, “a large proportion of daily activity . . . is devoted to the production or preparation of food” (Gladwin and Sarason [1953], p. 137). The distinction in breadfruit-eating societies between communal cooking by men and domestic cooking by women is the most extreme example of a system found in many societies. At communal events such as feasts, ritual meals or even just the cooking of a large animal, men tend to be the cooks. On such occasions, as with the cooking of breadfruit, men cook in groups and share the product with one another (Goody [1982], Subias [2002]).
women were responsible for cooking:
For both women and men, “a large proportion of daily activity . . . is devoted to the production or preparation of food” (Gladwin and Sarason [1953], p. 137). The distinction in breadfruit-eating societies between communal cooking by men and domestic cooking by women is the most extreme example of a system found in many societies. At communal events such as feasts, ritual meals or even just the cooking of a large animal, men tend to be the cooks. On such occasions, as with the cooking of breadfruit, men cook in groups and share the product with one another (Goody [1982], Subias [2002]).
150
“tremendous overlap”:
Lepowsky (1993), p. 290.
“tremendous overlap”:
Lepowsky (1993), p. 290.
150
“personal autonomy”:
Lepowsky (1993), p. xii.
“personal autonomy”:
Lepowsky (1993), p. xii.
151 “
We come home
”: Lepowsky (1993), p. 289.
We come home
”: Lepowsky (1993), p. 289.
151
The word
lady
:
Hagen (1998).
The word
lady
:
Hagen (1998).
151
The classic reason:
For example, according to psychologists Wendy Wood and Alice Eagly, “certain activities are more efficiently accomplished by one sex. It can thus be easier for one sex than the other to perform certain activities of daily life under given conditions. The benefits of this greater efficiency emerge because women and men are allied in complementary relationships in societies and engage in a division of labor” (Wood and Eagly [2002], p. 702). The same kind of explanation has been widespread in evolutionary scenarios. Marlowe (2007) found that in environments where more plant foods were available, men did more gathering. Women tend to obtain foods that are compatible with child care, while men take responsibilities for other tasks (Marlowe [2007]). Becker (1985) reviews evidence that the sexual division of labor is beneficial for household efficiency in the United States.
The classic reason:
For example, according to psychologists Wendy Wood and Alice Eagly, “certain activities are more efficiently accomplished by one sex. It can thus be easier for one sex than the other to perform certain activities of daily life under given conditions. The benefits of this greater efficiency emerge because women and men are allied in complementary relationships in societies and engage in a division of labor” (Wood and Eagly [2002], p. 702). The same kind of explanation has been widespread in evolutionary scenarios. Marlowe (2007) found that in environments where more plant foods were available, men did more gathering. Women tend to obtain foods that are compatible with child care, while men take responsibilities for other tasks (Marlowe [2007]). Becker (1985) reviews evidence that the sexual division of labor is beneficial for household efficiency in the United States.
152
“the sex-relation is also an economic relation”:
Gilman (1966 [1898]), p. 5.
“the sex-relation is also an economic relation”:
Gilman (1966 [1898]), p. 5.
152
“has made of woman a slave”:
Christian and Christian (1904), p. 78.
“has made of woman a slave”:
Christian and Christian (1904), p. 78.
152
“The culinary act”:
Perlès (1977), translated by Symons (1998, p. 213) .
“The culinary act”:
Perlès (1977), translated by Symons (1998, p. 213) .
152
“if only to ensure”:
Goudsblom (1992), p. 20.
“if only to ensure”:
Goudsblom (1992), p. 20.
153
Fernandez-Armesto proposed:
Fernandez-Armesto (2001), p. 5.
Fernandez-Armesto proposed:
Fernandez-Armesto (2001), p. 5.
153
“the starting-place of trades”:
Symons (1998), p. 121. Symons poetically summarized the importance of cooking as an act of sharing by saying that sauces “dispense goodness.”
“the starting-place of trades”:
Symons (1998), p. 121. Symons poetically summarized the importance of cooking as an act of sharing by saying that sauces “dispense goodness.”
154
Examples of individual self-sufficiency clearly undermine the idea that the sheer mechanics of cooking require that it be practiced cooperatively:
Archaeologist Martin Jones captures the uncertainties of explaining how cooking and cooperation are related in his 2007 book,
Feast
, subtitled
Why Humans Share Food
. Jones considered that the antecedents of human food-sharing lie in a basic primate tendency, seen in the occasional giving of food by primate mothers to their offspring. Humans built on this proactive generosity, Jones suggests, when our African ancestors responded to a shortage of important plant foods by hunting more. The demands of the hunt led to cooperation, bigger brains, and cooking. “The unique abilities of the modern human brain brought us to a most unusual behavioural pattern, the gathering around a hearth in a conversational circle to share food” (Jones [2007], p. 299). This may be right, but it leaves open many possibilities for exactly how cooking and cooperation were related.
Examples of individual self-sufficiency clearly undermine the idea that the sheer mechanics of cooking require that it be practiced cooperatively:
Archaeologist Martin Jones captures the uncertainties of explaining how cooking and cooperation are related in his 2007 book,
Feast
, subtitled
Why Humans Share Food
. Jones considered that the antecedents of human food-sharing lie in a basic primate tendency, seen in the occasional giving of food by primate mothers to their offspring. Humans built on this proactive generosity, Jones suggests, when our African ancestors responded to a shortage of important plant foods by hunting more. The demands of the hunt led to cooperation, bigger brains, and cooking. “The unique abilities of the modern human brain brought us to a most unusual behavioural pattern, the gathering around a hearth in a conversational circle to share food” (Jones [2007], p. 299). This may be right, but it leaves open many possibilities for exactly how cooking and cooperation were related.
155
the sight or smell of smoke reveals a cook’s location:
Tindale (1974) records Australian aborigines traveling forty kilometers (twenty-five miles) to steal fire.
the sight or smell of smoke reveals a cook’s location:
Tindale (1974) records Australian aborigines traveling forty kilometers (twenty-five miles) to steal fire.
156
“When a visitor comes”:
Marshall (1998), p. 73.
“When a visitor comes”:
Marshall (1998), p. 73.
156
predictably induce fights:
Competition over meat: Goodall (1986). Importance of food’s ability to be monopolized: Wittig and Boesch (2003). Breadfruit: Hohmann and Fruth (2000). Male lions living on open plains often steal food from females (unlike the more widespread male lions that live in woodlands, which mostly hunt for themselves): Funston et al. (1998). Spiders: Arnqvist et al. (2006).
predictably induce fights:
Competition over meat: Goodall (1986). Importance of food’s ability to be monopolized: Wittig and Boesch (2003). Breadfruit: Hohmann and Fruth (2000). Male lions living on open plains often steal food from females (unlike the more widespread male lions that live in woodlands, which mostly hunt for themselves): Funston et al. (1998). Spiders: Arnqvist et al. (2006).
157
The harder they beg, the more meat they get:
Gilby (2006).
The harder they beg, the more meat they get:
Gilby (2006).
158
Even sexually attractive females cannot expect meat:
Stanford (1999), p. 212, wrote that a male chimpanzee “withholds a scrap of meat from a female until she mates with him.” Similar assertions are cited widely and go back to the 1970s. Detailed analysis now shows that the success of a female in getting meat is not affected by her sexual status and that a female who receives meat does not have an increased probability of mating (Gilby [2006]). Furthermore, the probability of hunting falls when sexually receptive females accompany males (Gilby et al. [2006]). Gilby et al. (2006) suggest the old concept that chimpanzees exhibit “meat-for-sex” needs to be replaced with a new idea: “meat-or-sex.”
Even sexually attractive females cannot expect meat:
Stanford (1999), p. 212, wrote that a male chimpanzee “withholds a scrap of meat from a female until she mates with him.” Similar assertions are cited widely and go back to the 1970s. Detailed analysis now shows that the success of a female in getting meat is not affected by her sexual status and that a female who receives meat does not have an increased probability of mating (Gilby [2006]). Furthermore, the probability of hunting falls when sexually receptive females accompany males (Gilby et al. [2006]). Gilby et al. (2006) suggest the old concept that chimpanzees exhibit “meat-for-sex” needs to be replaced with a new idea: “meat-or-sex.”
158
There are no indications:
Most males of species in the human lineage were not only larger than females, but also exhibit features associated with more aggressive behavior than would be found in females. In particular, there seem to have been important differences between the sexes in the breadth of the face, with males having wider faces characteristic of aggressive behavior. Bonobos are the only great apes in which females are able to defend food from males, even though they are smaller than males. But male bonobos have relatively narrow, young-looking facial masks compared to the more aggressive chimpanzees. Early hominid anatomy shows no evidence of a bonobo-like style of feminized males (Wrangham and Pilbeam [2001]).
There are no indications:
Most males of species in the human lineage were not only larger than females, but also exhibit features associated with more aggressive behavior than would be found in females. In particular, there seem to have been important differences between the sexes in the breadth of the face, with males having wider faces characteristic of aggressive behavior. Bonobos are the only great apes in which females are able to defend food from males, even though they are smaller than males. But male bonobos have relatively narrow, young-looking facial masks compared to the more aggressive chimpanzees. Early hominid anatomy shows no evidence of a bonobo-like style of feminized males (Wrangham and Pilbeam [2001]).
159
complain of being robbed:
Turnbull (1965), Grinker (1994).
complain of being robbed:
Turnbull (1965), Grinker (1994).
159
“They place the individual good”:
Turnbull (1974), p. 28.
“They place the individual good”:
Turnbull (1974), p. 28.
160
Pepei:
Turnbull (1965), p. 198.
Pepei:
Turnbull (1965), p. 198.
161
“In all cases”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 283.
“In all cases”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 283.
161
traditional Inuit:
Jenness (1922), especially p. 99.
traditional Inuit:
Jenness (1922), especially p. 99.
161
Tiwi . . . of northern Australia:
Hart and Pilling (1960). The full quote is “If I had only one or two wives I would starve, but with my present ten or twelve wives I can send them out in all directions in the morning and at least two or three of them are likely to bring something back with them at the end of the day, and then we can all eat.” Thus women can share food through their relationship to a man. The amount of food produced in the household was critical to a man’s prestige: “the most concrete symbol of Tiwi success was the possession of surplus food” (p. 52). Beating quote: p. 55.
Tiwi . . . of northern Australia:
Hart and Pilling (1960). The full quote is “If I had only one or two wives I would starve, but with my present ten or twelve wives I can send them out in all directions in the morning and at least two or three of them are likely to bring something back with them at the end of the day, and then we can all eat.” Thus women can share food through their relationship to a man. The amount of food produced in the household was critical to a man’s prestige: “the most concrete symbol of Tiwi success was the possession of surplus food” (p. 52). Beating quote: p. 55.
162
typically, it seems, the best part:
Kelly (1993) discusses that food taboos favor men, because the taboos (which prohibit certain classes of people from eating meat) apply more to women than to men. An example of hunter-gatherer men eating better than women, with known health consequences, is given by Pate (2006) for southeastern Australia.
typically, it seems, the best part:
Kelly (1993) discusses that food taboos favor men, because the taboos (which prohibit certain classes of people from eating meat) apply more to women than to men. An example of hunter-gatherer men eating better than women, with known health consequences, is given by Pate (2006) for southeastern Australia.
163
A common requirement among Native American hunters:
Driver (1961), p. 79.
A common requirement among Native American hunters:
Driver (1961), p. 79.
163
In the western desert of Australia, every large hunted animal:
Hamilton (1987), p. 41.
In the western desert of Australia, every large hunted animal:
Hamilton (1987), p. 41.
164
The rules were not merely the result of a general moral attitude:
Rules for sharing men’s foods are reviewed by Kelly (1993).
The rules were not merely the result of a general moral attitude:
Rules for sharing men’s foods are reviewed by Kelly (1993).
164
a hungry aborigine woman:
Hamilton (1987), p. 42.
a hungry aborigine woman:
Hamilton (1987), p. 42.
164
Mbuti Pygmies:
Turnbull (1965), p. 124. Compare Andaman Islanders: “while, however, all members of a family take their meals together, a married man is only permitted to eat with other (married men) and bachelors, but never with any women save those of his own household, unless indeed he be well advanced in years. Bachelors as well as spinsters are required to take their meals apart with those of their respective sexes.” (Man [1932], p. 124).
Mbuti Pygmies:
Turnbull (1965), p. 124. Compare Andaman Islanders: “while, however, all members of a family take their meals together, a married man is only permitted to eat with other (married men) and bachelors, but never with any women save those of his own household, unless indeed he be well advanced in years. Bachelors as well as spinsters are required to take their meals apart with those of their respective sexes.” (Man [1932], p. 124).
164
effectively flirting, if not offering betrothal:
Mbuti: Turnbull (1965), p. 118. Collier and Rosaldo (1981) review hunter-gatherers in which marriages start without ceremony, but merely by living together.
effectively flirting, if not offering betrothal:
Mbuti: Turnbull (1965), p. 118. Collier and Rosaldo (1981) review hunter-gatherers in which marriages start without ceremony, but merely by living together.
165
Bonerif hunter-gatherers:
Oosterwal (1961), p. 82, reports on several tribes in the Tor territory, including Bonerif and Berrik in particular. Their patterns are mostly similar, and I have called them the Bonerif here to represent all of them. Oosterwal (1961), p. 95, notes that women could offer sago to him only through their husbands; otherwise, their action would have been misinterpreted.
Bonerif hunter-gatherers:
Oosterwal (1961), p. 82, reports on several tribes in the Tor territory, including Bonerif and Berrik in particular. Their patterns are mostly similar, and I have called them the Bonerif here to represent all of them. Oosterwal (1961), p. 95, notes that women could offer sago to him only through their husbands; otherwise, their action would have been misinterpreted.
166
according to anthropologist Christopher Boehm:
Boehm (1999).
according to anthropologist Christopher Boehm:
Boehm (1999).
166
The killing is done by one or a few men:
For example, Lorna Marshall (1998), p. 84, heard about only one theft of food among the !Kung Bushmen. A man took honey from a honey tree that had been found, marked, and therefore owned by someone else. The furious owner killed him for it. The murder went unpunished, tacitly approved by the group.
The killing is done by one or a few men:
For example, Lorna Marshall (1998), p. 84, heard about only one theft of food among the !Kung Bushmen. A man took honey from a honey tree that had been found, marked, and therefore owned by someone else. The furious owner killed him for it. The murder went unpunished, tacitly approved by the group.
167
the Tasmanians:
Robinson (1846), p. 145.
the Tasmanians:
Robinson (1846), p. 145.
167
an Australian aboriginal wife:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
an Australian aboriginal wife:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
168
“cannot provide the bread”:
Gregor (1985), p. 26.
“cannot provide the bread”:
Gregor (1985), p. 26.
168
bachelors among Mbuti Pygmies:
Turnbull (1965), p. 206.
bachelors among Mbuti Pygmies:
Turnbull (1965), p. 206.
168
“strictly economic need”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 284. Among the Bonerif, bachelors had so little to eat that they normally left camp and roamed (Oosterwal [1961], p. 77). Among the Bonerif, the men who were best off were the newly married, because their wives were young and strong. Bachelors with no mothers or sisters had little to eat, and men who wanted more food got married even if it meant raiding neighboring groups, at risk of death and subsequent revenge.
“strictly economic need”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 284. Among the Bonerif, bachelors had so little to eat that they normally left camp and roamed (Oosterwal [1961], p. 77). Among the Bonerif, the men who were best off were the newly married, because their wives were young and strong. Bachelors with no mothers or sisters had little to eat, and men who wanted more food got married even if it meant raiding neighboring groups, at risk of death and subsequent revenge.
169
“The vital importance of a wife”:
Riches (1987), p. 25.
“The vital importance of a wife”:
Riches (1987), p. 25.
169
wife stealing in New Guinea:
Oosterwal (1961), p. 117.
wife stealing in New Guinea:
Oosterwal (1961), p. 117.
169
many Tiwi marriages:
Hart and Pilling (1960).
many Tiwi marriages:
Hart and Pilling (1960).
169
boy slave:
Rose (1960), p. 20.
boy slave:
Rose (1960), p. 20.
170
“demand selfless generosity”:
Symons (1998), p. 171. Symons stresses that although sharing is in his view the essence of cooking, the sharing is not fair.
“demand selfless generosity”:
Symons (1998), p. 171. Symons stresses that although sharing is in his view the essence of cooking, the sharing is not fair.
170
“Her economic skill is not only a weapon for subsistence”:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
“Her economic skill is not only a weapon for subsistence”:
Kaberry (1939), p. 36.
170
A wife who cooks badly might be beaten:
Consequences of bad or late cooking: Mbuti, Turnbull (1965), p. 201; Siriono, Holmberg (1969), p. 127; Inuit, Jenness (1922); Bonerif, Oosterwal (1961), p. 94. Sulking wife refusing to cook food: Mbuti, Turnbull (1965), p. 276.
A wife who cooks badly might be beaten:
Consequences of bad or late cooking: Mbuti, Turnbull (1965), p. 201; Siriono, Holmberg (1969), p. 127; Inuit, Jenness (1922); Bonerif, Oosterwal (1961), p. 94. Sulking wife refusing to cook food: Mbuti, Turnbull (1965), p. 276.
172
Gibbons illustrate:
Fuentes (2000).
Gibbons illustrate:
Fuentes (2000).
172
Zeus bug:
Arnqvist et al. (2006).
Zeus bug:
Arnqvist et al. (2006).
172
desert-living hamadryas baboons:
Kummer (1995).
desert-living hamadryas baboons:
Kummer (1995).
175
Among the Bonerif:
Oosterwal (1961), pp. 99, 134.
Among the Bonerif:
Oosterwal (1961), pp. 99, 134.
175
Marriage in the United States:
Browne (2002).
Marriage in the United States:
Browne (2002).
176
“binds specific people”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 279.
“binds specific people”:
Collier and Rosaldo (1981), p. 279.
176
“an empty compliment”:
Mill (1966 [1869]), p. 518. Millett (1970) reviews the Victorian debate between Mill and Ruskin (1902 [1865]).
Eight: The Cook’s Journey“an empty compliment”:
Mill (1966 [1869]), p. 518. Millett (1970) reviews the Victorian debate between Mill and Ruskin (1902 [1865]).
179
Our long life spans suggest that our ancestors were good at escaping predators:
Safer species living longer: Austad and Fischer (1991). Reznick et al. (2004) show that the relationship is not necessarily straightforward.
Our long life spans suggest that our ancestors were good at escaping predators:
Safer species living longer: Austad and Fischer (1991). Reznick et al. (2004) show that the relationship is not necessarily straightforward.
180
a faster rate of growth for the young:
The expected rate of growth in
Homo erectus
is a complex matter, and the fossil data are confusing (Aiello and Wells [2002], Moggi-Cecchi [2001]). Dean et al. (2001) showed the thickness of tooth enamel increased per day in early
Homo
at the same rate as in African apes, and concluded that
erectus
teeth grew at the same rate as in apes, although faster than
habilis
. They suggested that this meant that
erectus
had fast (apelike) rates of body growth. An infant
Homo erectus
from Indonesia likewise supports the idea of rapid growth. It was estimated from its cranial sutures to be only one year old when it died, yet it had already completed most of its brain growth. This indicated a rapid rate of growth similar to that of a chimpanzee, much faster than in
Homo sapiens
(Coqueugniot et al. [2004]). In contrast, Smith (1991) showed that data on the timing of the emergence of the third molar (whose appearance is considered to end the juvenile period) gave
habilis
a growth pattern like australopithecines, whereas
erectus
had a growth pattern like
Homo sapiens
. Clegg and Aiello (1999) combined skeletal and dental analysis to suggest that
Homo erectus
(based on WT 15000) had a rate of growth within the range of
sapiens
. The debate continues (Anton 2003). Note that the set of life-history data that I predict here from considering
erectus
to have controlled fire and cooked are almost identical to those predicted by Hawkes et al. (1998) as resulting from grandmothers helping their daughters to mother. Fire and grandmothering could have worked side by side, and it is not clear which would have been a more important influence on growth, birth rates, and life span. Low weaning age in humans: Low (2000). Although the availability of weaning foods should have increased juvenile growth rates, slower growth is expected as a result of larger brains and longer lives, allowing energy to be diverted to the immune system and other defenses. Larger brains in longer-lived primates: Kaplan and Robson (2002). Investment in immune system correlated with longevity: Rolff (2002) and Nunn et al. (2008) show some evidence for this still little-understood relationship.
a faster rate of growth for the young:
The expected rate of growth in
Homo erectus
is a complex matter, and the fossil data are confusing (Aiello and Wells [2002], Moggi-Cecchi [2001]). Dean et al. (2001) showed the thickness of tooth enamel increased per day in early
Homo
at the same rate as in African apes, and concluded that
erectus
teeth grew at the same rate as in apes, although faster than
habilis
. They suggested that this meant that
erectus
had fast (apelike) rates of body growth. An infant
Homo erectus
from Indonesia likewise supports the idea of rapid growth. It was estimated from its cranial sutures to be only one year old when it died, yet it had already completed most of its brain growth. This indicated a rapid rate of growth similar to that of a chimpanzee, much faster than in
Homo sapiens
(Coqueugniot et al. [2004]). In contrast, Smith (1991) showed that data on the timing of the emergence of the third molar (whose appearance is considered to end the juvenile period) gave
habilis
a growth pattern like australopithecines, whereas
erectus
had a growth pattern like
Homo sapiens
. Clegg and Aiello (1999) combined skeletal and dental analysis to suggest that
Homo erectus
(based on WT 15000) had a rate of growth within the range of
sapiens
. The debate continues (Anton 2003). Note that the set of life-history data that I predict here from considering
erectus
to have controlled fire and cooked are almost identical to those predicted by Hawkes et al. (1998) as resulting from grandmothers helping their daughters to mother. Fire and grandmothering could have worked side by side, and it is not clear which would have been a more important influence on growth, birth rates, and life span. Low weaning age in humans: Low (2000). Although the availability of weaning foods should have increased juvenile growth rates, slower growth is expected as a result of larger brains and longer lives, allowing energy to be diverted to the immune system and other defenses. Larger brains in longer-lived primates: Kaplan and Robson (2002). Investment in immune system correlated with longevity: Rolff (2002) and Nunn et al. (2008) show some evidence for this still little-understood relationship.
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