Read Another Small Kingdom Online
Authors: James Green
Chapter Seventy-six
M
acleod was walking with Bentley on the deck of the ship as the crew busied themselves in making ready to sail. Marie was below seeing to their cabin arrangements.
âTell me, Bentley, and the truth now. What was my part in all of this?'
âIt was never meant to be a very big part. I needed you out of the way because of the Darcy business, that is all. Jeremiah arranged it for me. You were to go to New Orleans and, well, really do no more than draw attention to yourself.'
âDraw attention to myself!'
âYes. It was Jeremiah's idea. A very able man, Jeremiah. A very brave man.'
âDamn Jeremiah. I can't believe that all I've been through was for no better reason than to draw attention to myself.'
âSorry, Macleod, but there it is. You were supposed to be a person of no importance, a side-show. Circumstances, however, decided it should be otherwise and things got somewhat out of hand. It happens. Our business is not an exact science.'
âAnd what exactly is your business?'
Before Bentley could reply, if he intended to reply, Marie rejoined them.
âAll is made as comfortable as possible.'
âI'm glad to hear it, Madame.'
âTell me, M'sieur Bentley, is it all over now for us? Are we free of your plots and intrigues?'
âQuite free. Once this boat sails you may both forget all about plots and intrigues.'
âThen I thank God for that.'
But Macleod was not as ready to let the recent past depart. âBut there
was
a plot? Just because we are free, the plotting and intrigue doesn't stop, does it?'
âNo, I fear that never stops, nor ever will.'
âLeave it, Jean, it is now nothing to do with us.'
âBut I can't leave it, Marie. I may have been a side-show, as Bentley calls it, but I was involved and if I know nothing else, I know that there is a threat to my country. How can I leave it?'
âMacleod, it's over, can't you just be grateful you've come out of it alive.'
âNo, I damn well can't. I know my country is threatened. I wasn't supposed to know, but now I do. I can't just sail away to safety and forget it ever happened.'
âHell's teeth, you're a stubborn bastard, Macleod. It's over, there is no threat, at least not from any plan of Fouché's. His game is finished and Monsieur Fouché will find out that those names on the list are no longer any good to him. In fact he will find they are a two-edged sword and it is France, not America, which will be cut and bleeding. That is why it was so urgent that you both leave France. Fouché made a bargain. I got you both away and, in return, I would give him the name of an agent of the American Government he had long suspected was inside his organisation. I'm afraid it proved a bad bargain on his part for the name I gave him will soon enough prove to be false. Fouché will not be a happy man the day he realises he's been duped.'
âAnd the names?'
âWe have had those names for some time, but we decided that it was best to leave them where they were until we were ready to use them.'
âUse them how?'
âThat need not concern you. Suffice it to say that very soon those names will be used to good effect. America is safe I assure you, as Fouché and others will soon find out.'
âSo, the General beat him!' Macleod felt like giving a great hurrah. âGreat heavens, the General was too much for the French bastard. He had his hand inside their vile plot and was pulling the strings all along.'
âNo, Macleod, not the General.' Bentley paused before going on. He knew that what he was about to say would wound Macleod as much as any musket ball. âI regret that the General's name was on that list. In fact, it was his name right at the top.'
Macleod almost stood back in shock
âI don't believe you. The General would never betray his country. You're a damn liar.'
âI wish I was but I regret I am not. The General was from the South and believed the North was out to take all the real power, financial and political, into its own hands, leaving the South like a poor, rural cousin, entirely dependent on the North. He wasn't going to let that happen to the land he'd fought for. He was the leader of the whole thing. It was he who would have come forward if the plan had succeeded. He was to be their figurehead to unite and save the country.
âFortunately, almost from the beginning, I was able to place my own man close to the General as his aide and by the time the General realised what had happened it was too late. He could not act against my man without revealing his own involvement.
âIt was through the General that I was able to recruit the others and palm them all off on to â¦'
Bentley stopped, but too late.
âThat you recruited?' Bentley remained silent. âBut you said you never worked against the Government.'
Marie spoke gently.
âNor did he, Jean.'
âBut you heard. From his own lips.'
âLeave it, Jean, forget it all, their plots, their intrigue. It is no longer our affair. Why should it matter to us who started the plotting or why?'
âListen to her, Macleod, I tell you solemnly she's giving you very good advice.'
Marie heard the threat in Bentley's voice and looked at Macleod with concern.
âWe were not part of any plan, we were like Amélie or de Valois, my husband, accidental damage.' She turned to Bentley. âWhen we are back in Boston we will forget this nightmare, forget it completely. You have my word.'
âGood, I hope you do.'
Macleod had overcome his shock and the truth of the General's treachery seemed, among so much treachery, just as possible as all the rest.
âBut what's it all for, Bentley, all this scheming, secrecy and betrayal?'
âWhere one government leads all others must follow suit. They work against us and we, in our turn, work against them. What you have witnessed is a very small piece of a very large canvas.'
âBut if one government stopped, couldn't it all be stopped? Just because it has begun, must it continue?'
Bentley paused for a moment before replying.
âI have a friend who trades with the East. He told me of a saying they have. The man who rides the tiger cannot dismount.'
âWhich is supposed to mean what?'
âThat once begun it cannot stop.'
Voices started calling across the deck.
âThe captain is making ready. I must go ashore. There is one last thing, Macleod.'
âYes?'
âI am an old-fashioned Protestant and Boston is an old-fashioned Protestant town, and this lady is, well, this lady is too fine to be ⦠damn you, man, do the right thing and make an honest woman of her.'
âM'sieur Bentley, are you asking Jean to marry me?'
âNo, I'm damn well ordering him to marry you.'
âBut I cannot marry him.'
âCannot? Why?'
âBecause we are married already. We were married by the Bishop of Frascati, by the Cardinal himself. It was the briefest of ceremonies but I assure you it took place and that we are now man and wife.'
âGood God! Macleod, either you're the best agent I've ever met or the best counterfeit of one. You've done it again, you devil.'
âI don't understand. Done what?'
A voice cried out from somewhere on the ship.
âAll ashore that's going ashore.'
Two sailors stood by the gangplank waiting, one called across to Bentley.
âCome along, sir, unless you want to go to Boston.'
Bentley took Marie's hand and kissed it.
âGoodbye, Madame Macleod. I hope the voyage is kind to you.'
He then held out his hand. Macleod took the offered hand and shook it warmly.
âGoodbye, Macleod. Go back to Boston and settle back down to your lawyering and being a good husband.'
Bentley walked across to the gangplank and stood on the quay. The two sailors pulled the gangplank on board and the noise and activity increased until finally the ship began to move.
Macleod and Marie looked at Bentley who lifted his arm in a gesture of farewell and shouted something. But amongst the noise on the deck Macleod could not catch the words.
âWhat did he say?'
âI am not sure, Jean, but it sounded like “Welcome to the tiger”.'
Chapter Seventy-seven
PARIS 1802
September 5th
The Office of Maurice de Talleyrand, Foreign Minister to the French Republic.
T
he magnificent doors of the office of the Foreign Secretary of the French Republic opened and Monsieur Talleyrand stood to greet his visitors. Robert Livingston, the American Ambassador, entered and strode purposefully to the large ornate desk and faced Talleyrand. Behind him, limping but doing his best to keep up, was a young man who walked with the aid of a stick. Talleyrand waited until the young man had arrived beside the Ambassador.
âM'sieur Livingston, it is, as always, a pleasure to greet you.'
âThank you, Minister, but if you don't mind I would like to dispense with the usual formalities.'
Talleyrand could see that Ambassador Livingston was in no amiable frame of mind, in fact his mood seemed decidedly black. He cast his mind around to try and remember what, in particular, he might have done to bring about a visit of this gentleman in such a disagreeable humour, but could think of nothing.
âAs you wish, Mr Ambassador, I am, as always, at your disposal, with or without the usual formalities.' He indicated the chairs opposite his desk. âWould you and the young man care to sit?'
âI would not, sir. I would care to leave.'
âIndeed! To arrive so suddenly and leave so soon? I confess myself at a loss.'
âThis,' and the look he gave the man spoke volumes, âthis gentleman,' and here he paused to dissociate himself from the courtesy of the title, âwill make any necessary explanations. He has been sent by my Government. I have been asked to bring him here and present him to you. As it is the wish of my Government, I do so. M'sieur Talleyrand, Mr Jones.'
Talleyrand looked enquiringly at Mr Jones whose countenance, apart from the smallest of polite smiles, remained blank. Receiving no communication from that quarter he moved his enquiry back to Robert Livingston.
âAnd Mr Jones is?'
âI have no doubt that Mr Jones himself will communicate that information to you, sir. As for myself I will, with your permission, withdraw.'
âOf course, M'sieur Ambassador, as soon as you wish.'
Livingston turned on his heel, marched to the door and left.
Talleyrand gave his full attention to the young man in front of him.
âWell, M'sieur Jones, is it you or I or some other party who has sent the Ambassador into such a black humour? I confess I can think of nothing on my part which might have brought about such an unfortunate state. Nothing recently, that is.' The young man remained silent. Talleyrand began to get an uneasy feeling about his visitor. âHowever, as our esteemed Ambassador has withdrawn, please sit down and tell me to what I owe the pleasure of this meeting so urgently requested by Ambassador Livingston?'
The young man lowered himself into a chair and they sat looking at each other across the wide, ornate desk.
âM'sieur Talleyrand, a Special Envoy, Mr James Munroe, will soon be sent to Paris to assist Ambassador Livingston in the purchase of the Louisiana Territories. I have been given the task of ensuring that this purchase will be satisfactorily completed no later than the spring.'
âIndeed?'
âYes, Your Excellency, indeed.'
Talleyrand's unease increased. He did not like this young man's manner, it was confident and quiet, the manner of one who is sure of the outcome before he begins his business.
âAnd how do you propose to set about the task you have been given?'
âBy declaring war on France.'
Of all the answers that might have been made, the Foreign Minister expected this one least, and liked it less.
âYou personally, M'sieur Jones, or will you declare war on the French Republic with friends?'
âNo, Monsieur, not I personally, nor even with friends. The American Government will formally declare war on the French Republic on the day that war resumes between France and Britain.'
âFrance and Britain are at peace.'
âAnd today it is not raining in Paris.'
âWhich means?'
âThat one day I think it will most certainly once again rain in Paris.'
Talleyrand's manner lost some of its charm.
âMr Jones, I am a busy man and have no time for conundrums. If you have a message to deliver to me then deliver it.'
âThe Government of France has, over a period of time and under the direction of Joseph Fouché, until recently your Chief of Police, undertaken a plot to overthrow the legitimate Government of America. It has suborned senior politicians, businessmen and others of power and influence who are American citizens. It has used French and American nationals as agents on American soil to bring about this treason. This plot is active and continuing. Only a short while ago a letter was carried from Rome to Paris by Fouché's agents, American agents, and delivered to M'sieur Fouché in person. We both know from whom that letter came. The letter contained, among other things, the names of those traitors Fouché has involved in the plot. The American Government has at its disposal, I assure you, ample evidence of this plot and two courses of action lie open. One is to arrest those American citizens involved, together with certain agents working for the French Government, and put them all on public trial. If they are found guilty, and the involvement of the French Government proved thereby, it will be regarded by the American Government as confirmation of an act of aggression by a foreign power. When hostilities resume between France and Britain, the American Government will declare itself an ally of the British in response to this French aggression, and declare war on France. To aid our British allies, American troops will march into the French Louisiana Territories.'
âI beg your pardon, Mr Jones, but those Territories are the Spanish Louisiana Territories.'
It was a weak argument and Talleyrand knew it.
âThen I am sure France will be happy to let Spain defend its Territories if it wishes.' Talleyrand did not respond. âNeedless to say, whatever the outcome of the war in Europe, America will not cede back to France, nor even to Spain, whatever lands are taken. They will become a part of the American Republic.'
âI see, you are telling me that your Government intends to fabricate a plot involving the French Government in order to violate the sovereign territory of another power?'
âM'sieur Talleyrand, you are perfectly aware that no fabrication will be necessary. M'sieur Fouché has provided my Government with more than enough evidence for it to proceed as I have outlined.'
Talleyrand waited for a moment, but Jones remained silent and he was forced to ask the question.
âAnd the second course?'
âAs I said, a Special Envoy, Mr James Munroe, will arrive early next year to negotiate alongside Ambassador Livingston for the purchase of the Louisiana Territories. The American Government has no wish to go to war with anyone despite such acts of provocation as I have already mentioned, but one way or another America will expand. I believe Ambassador Livingston has been at pains to make that very point to you. For some time he has been trying to persuade the French Republic, through you, to consider the sale to America of the Louisiana Territories.'
âI see. You wish to buy the Territories at the point of a gun? That is not diplomacy. I fear it is more akin to piracy or highway robbery.'
âI do not of course speak officially on behalf of the American Government, Monsieur Talleyrand, I am here merely as a messenger to place information before you. Information which I think you might be well advised to consider.'
âBut still at the point of a gun?'
âIt is not the policy of the American Government to indulge in the diplomacy of violence favoured by the Barbary Pirates. In fact, to show our displeasure at such methods, our fleet is currently blockading their ports. They would not negotiate, they preferred that our differences be decided by force of arms. As we speak they are regretting that decision.'
âAnd what is it that you suggest?'
âBelieve me, Your Excellency, the American Government has no wish to extract an unfair price by the threat of violence nor the appearance of any threat. Special Envoy Munroe will be told to negotiate the best price possible, but it will be the best fair price. We are not brigands, Your Excellency. Mr Munroe will not be aware of what I have told you and will be negotiating in good faith. I trust as much will be said for yourself on behalf of the French Government. My role is simply to place information before you to ensure that you are aware of what the American Government sees as its options should the negotiations fail to produce a satisfactory outcome, satisfactory, that is, to both parties. And now, as you have pointed out to me that you are a busy man, I will leave you to your business. I think I have made clear the reason for my intrusion into your valuable time.'
Jones slowly rose.
âAm I to take it, M'sieur Jones, that you think this matter closed?'
âBy no means, Monsieur Talleyrand, I consider this matter only just opened. Good day to you, Your Excellency.' The young man turned and limped to the door which opened. âIt has been a great pleasure to have met you, sir. I have long been an admirer of your methods.'
And the door closed behind him.
Talleyrand's secretary came in through another door.
âYou heard?'
âYes, Excellency.'
âWhat did you think of the young man Jones?'
âA very capable and confident young man.'
âI knew that one day they would send someone who would force me to listen, but I confess I was surprised at both the man and his argument.'
âI'm afraid, Excellency, he has studied your methods too well, that the secret of successful negotiations is to have them won before they begin.'
âHow true. How very true.
âWhat do you wish me to do?'
âBegin to let it be known that our First Consul does not have the same interest in protecting our possessions in America since our recent losses in the Caribbean.'
âAnd?'
âOnce that story has achieved some circulation let it be known that Napoleon wishes to raise money, a large sum of money, to increase our forces here in Europe. That he is prepared to consider the sale of foreign assets.'
âThe British will take that as a signal that we are preparing for a return to war.'
âBy the time the story gains purchase we will almost certainly
be
preparing for war, and monies from the sale of the Louisiana Territories will, without doubt, be spent to that end.'
âI cannot believe that anyone will be taken in by either story. Neither sounds so very convincing to me.'
âNo, nor to me. If, before the new envoy comes, I can think of something better all well and good. If not, then we must make the best of what we have and leave it to history to decide what shall pass as the truth.'