Anne Boleyn: Henry VIII's Obsession (21 page)

44. Mary Tudor, Henry’s eldest daughter. Anne always saw Mary as a rival to her own daughter and was determined to crush her opposition.

45. Thomas More. Henry’s chancellor died for his refusal to swear the Oath of Succession and so recognise the validity of Anne’s marriage and the legitimacy of her children.
 

46. Jane Seymour. Anne’s rival and successor as queen was coached on how to present a contrast to Anne to the king.
 

47. A nineteenth century illustration of the condemnation of Anne Boleyn showing the queen as a romantic heroine.

Although Anne is often portrayed with hostility in contemporary sources, she was not universally hated and to her fellow religious reformers, she was almost a saint. Anne’s chaplain, William Latymer, wrote an account of Anne’s life during the reign of her daughter and his memories of the queen were very favourable. According to Latymer, as soon as she became queen, Anne called her chaplains to her telling them that she had ‘carefully chosyn you to be the lanterns and light of my courte’. She continued that:

‘I require you, as you shall at any time herafter perceive me to decline from the right path of sownde and pure doctrine, and yelde to any maner of sensualitie, to awayte some conveniente tyme wherin you may advertise me therof; the which I promise you to accepte in very thankfull parte, addressing my selfe wholly to reformacion and yelding good example to others, for the discharge of mine awne conscience. And as to the rest of my cowrte, I straightly charge you vigilantly to wache their doinge, curiouslye to marke their proceedings, lyves and conversacions, diligently to advertise them of their dutyes, especially towarde almightie God, to instruct them the waye of virtue and grace, to charge them to abandon and eschue all maner of vice; and above all things to embrase the wholesome doctrine and infallible knowleg of Cristes gospel, aswell in virtuous and undefiled conversacion as also in pure and syncerite understanding therof’.

Given Anne’s notoriously fiery temper, it seems unlikely that any of her chaplains would have dared admonish Anne for any perceived sin. It is true that Anne wanted to preside over a household at the forefront of the religious reform and she wanted her chaplains to ensure that everyone within her household followed her lead. According to Latymer, Anne also kept a copy of the Bible in English on a desk in her apartments from which anyone was permitted to read. This was an important statement of Anne’s reformist beliefs and she often read at the common desk herself as an example of how her household was expected to behave.

Although Latymer’s account of Anne’s religious fervour and charity is likely to be exaggerated, there is no doubt that Anne was anxious that her household should promote both the reform and godliness. Anne, along with most of her contemporaries, held very strong religious beliefs and, as queen, she saw it as her duty to set an example for her household to follow. According to Latymer, Anne frequently addressed her ladies and maids on the importance of maintaining both modesty and chastity and of not giving themselves up to idle pleasures. This is possible, although it is unlikely that Anne’s household was ever as joyless as Latymer implies and there would always have been music and dancing in the queen’s apartments. Anne was certainly interested in education and throughout her time as queen she would read the Bible in French as well as other French books, something which must have reminded her of her years in France. She also sought to dispel religious superstition and, during one summer progress, Anne sent commissioners to Hailes Abbey to investigate the relic of the blood of Christ held there. Anne would always have been suspicious of such a relic and, as soon as her commissioners informed her that it was either the blood of a duck or red wax, she went straight to Henry and insisted that it was removed from the Abbey. Anne also sought to promote religious reform through her charity and other good works.

Traditionally, queens were expected to be conspicuously charitable and Anne was determined to be no exception. According to the Protestant propagandist, John Foxe, Anne would send her sub-almoner to towns that she visited whilst on progress in order to obtain a list of the poor people of the parish so that her alms could be distributed efficiently. Foxe also claimed that Anne carried a purse with her at all times from which she would distribute alms ‘thinking no day well spent wherein some man had not fared the better by some benefit at her hands’. Although Foxe wrote this account several years after Anne’s death, his informant was Anne’s cousin, Mary Howard, Duchess of Richmond, and there is likely to be some element of truth in it. Foxe’s assertion that Anne gave £14,000 or £15,000 to the poor in three quarters of a year is certainly a great exaggeration as this was an enormous amount of money in Anne’s time. Both Foxe and Latymer wished to show Anne in the best possible light and she was certainly not the saint they portrayed but Anne was charitable, as queens were expected to be, and particularly favoured causes close to the religious reform.

Anne was always interested in education and both she and her father and brother paid to maintain scholars at Cambridge. Anne is known to have maintained a Mr Beckynsall during his university studies on the continent, paying him £40 a year. She was not prepared to put up with any opposition to her charity and a surviving letter of Anne’s to the Abbot of St Mary’s shows both her charity and her queenly imperiousness that anyone should dare to go against her wishes. Anne wrote concerning a monk in the monastery, John Eldmer whom she had heard was ‘of good learning, sad demeanor, and virtuous governance’. Anne continued saying that she had arranged for Eldmer to:

‘Apply and continue his study and learning at my lord’s university of Cambridge for the increase of virtue and learning: wherewith at that time you were well content. Yet notwithstanding the same, you, contrary to our said request (as we be credibly informed), have not only called him from his learning at the said university, but also have intricate and charged him with sundry rooms and offices in your said monastery, to the no little disturbance and inquietation of his mind, and to alienate him as much as may be from his said study and learning; to our no little marvel. We considering the good affection and desire the said dompne John Eldmer hath to the increase of virtue and learning, desire and heartily pray you, that you will permit and suffer him to repair again to the university for the intent aforesaid, giving unto him sufficient exhibition to the maintenance of his study there, or else to signify to us in writing, by this bearer, a cause reasonable why you defer to accomplish our said request made unto you in that behalf’.

Anne was determined that no one should stand in the way of her charity and, as another letter shows, even an unwilling beneficiary was no bar to Anne’s purpose. In her letter to Dr Crome, Anne wrote that she was ‘marvelling not a little that, albeit heretofore we have signified unto you at sundry times our pleasure concerning your promotion unto the parsonage of Aldermany, within the city of London, which we have obtained for you, yet you hitherto have deferred the taking on you of the same’. It is clear that Dr Crome was a little less eager than Anne that he should take the post offered him but this did not matter to the queen. She wanted him there and there he must go. She finished her letter stating that ‘our express mind and pleasure is that you shall use no farther delays in this matter’.

Anne was determined to use her role as queen to promote religious reform and she maintained an interest in the careers of a number of scholars and churchmen with similar views to herself. According to her chaplain, William Latymer, Anne was instrumental in securing bishoprics for a number of prominent reformers, including Hugh Latimer, who became Bishop of Worcester, and, of course, Thomas Cranmer himself. Anne also supported continental reformers and, thanks to her influence, Henry’s court obtained a reputation as a place of safety for continental reformers. For example, Anne heard of a reformer from France called Nicholas Bourbon who had been imprisoned for criticising the Pope. She immediately sent for him and paid his maintenance while in England. Anne also maintained a French gentlewoman, Mrs Mary, who had fled from her home due to her religion. Anne saw the traditional charity expected of a queen as a means of promoting her religious views and in this she worked closely with Thomas Cromwell. Anne would often identify those in need of patronage and then pass the practicalities of their support over to Cromwell. In May 1534, for example, Anne wrote to the minister to request that he restore Richard Herman to the English house at Antwerp after he had been expelled for promoting the Bible in English. Anne’s conduct greatly increased her reputation amongst reformers and, while she was generally unpopular across England, among those who shared her religious views, ‘many things might be written more of her manifold virtues, and the quiet moderation of her mild nature’. While this does not sound very recognisably Anne Boleyn, Anne’s charity and promotion of religion were one aspect of her character as queen.

Anne knew that charity and religious devotion were part of the expected role of a queen, but she was aware that her primary role was to bear the king an heir. Although Elizabeth’s sex was a disadvantage, Anne never resented her daughter and she was ambitious for her, for example, telling William Latymer that she wanted Elizabeth to be schooled in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Italian, Spanish and French. Anne was preparing her to be a great princess and, perhaps, queen of France or some other nation. Both Anne and Henry were devoted to their precocious and healthy daughter and, according to the
Chronicle of Henry VIII:

‘They were very particular in rearing her, and when she was two years old she talked and walked like any other child of four. It was God’s will that Anne should have no other children, and day and night she would not let this daughter of hers out of her sight. Whenever the queen came out in the royal palace where the canopy was, she had a cushion placed underneath for her child to sit upon’.

While it is an exaggeration to suggest that Anne would not let Elizabeth out of her sight, she was certainly devoted to her daughter and it must have been a great wrench for her when, in December 1533, Elizabeth was given her own household as befitted the Princess of England. In spite of her misgivings about parting from Elizabeth, Anne was always careful to guard her daughter’s position and she closely supervised the preparations for Elizabeth’s household and her journey out of London. Anne would have felt proud as she saw her daughter off in a great procession headed by Norfolk and much of the rest of the nobility. Elizabeth’s journey became something of a triumphal progress and, according to Chapuys, ‘although there was a shorter and better road, yet for greater solemnity, and to insinuate to the people that she is the true Princess, she was taken through this town’.